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Marriage,gender and obesity in later life
Authors:Sven E Wilson
Institution:1. Department of Public Health, University of Copenhagen, 5 Øster Farimagsgade, P.O. Box 2099, DK-1014 Copenhagen K, Denmark;2. Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Copenhagen University Hospital, Hvidovre Hospital, 30 Kettegårds Allé, DK-2650 Hvidovre, Denmark;3. Psychiatric Center Copenhagen, Copenhagen University Hospital, Rigshospitalet, 9 Blegdamsvej, DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø, Denmark;1. School of Social Sciences, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia;2. Department of Sociology, Academy of Journalism and Communication, Vietnam;3. School of Public Health, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia;4. Queensland Alcohol and Drug Research and Education Centre, Brisbane, Australia;1. University of Mannheim, Mannheim, Germany;2. Institute for Labor Market Policy Evaluation (IFAU), Uppsala, Sweden;3. VU University Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands;4. Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), Bonn, Germany;5. Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis, United States;1. School of Physics, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland;2. Institute for Theoretical and High Energy Physics (LPTHE), University Pierre and Marie Curie, Paris, France;1. Oceania University of Medicine, North Rocks, New South Wales, Australia;2. Health Research Institute, University of Canberra, Canberra, Australian Capital Territory, Australia;3. Child Health Division, Menzies School of Health Research, Charles Darwin University, Darwin, Northern Territory, Australia
Abstract:A large body of literature argues that marriage promotes health and increases longevity. But do these benefits extend to maintaining a healthy body weight, as the economic theory of health investment suggests they should? They do not. Using the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), I find that entry into marriage among both men and women aged 51–70 is associated with weight gain and exit from marriage with weight loss. I evaluate three additional theories with respect to the cross-sectional and longitudinal variation in the data. First, it may be that a broader set of shared risk factors (such as social obligations regarding meals) raises body mass for married couples. However, the shared risk factor model predicts that the intra-couple correlation should increase with respect to marital duration. Instead, it declines. Second, scholars have recently promoted a “crisis” model of marriage in which marital transitions, not marital status, determine differences in body mass. The crisis model is consistent with short-term effects seen for divorce, but not for the persistent weight gains associated with marriage or the persistent weight loss following widowhood. And transition models, in general, cannot explain significant cross-sectional differences across marital states in a population that is no longer experiencing many transitions, nor can it account for the prominent gender differences (in late middle-age, the heaviest group is unmarried women and the lightest are unmarried men). Third, I argue that pressures of the marriage market, in combination with gendered preferences regarding partner BMI, can account for all the longitudinal and cross-sectional patterns found in the data.
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