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1.
BackgroundNeuroblastoma, the most common extracranial solid tumor in children, contributes disproportionately to childhood cancer mortality and few risk factors have been identified. Our objective was to evaluate associations between parental and infant characteristics and neuroblastoma incidence.MethodsChildren born in Texas between January 1995 and December 2011 were eligible for the present study. Cases (N = 637) were diagnosed with neuroblastoma in Texas during the same period; controls (N = 6370) matched on year of birth were randomly selected from birth certificates that did not link to a record in the Texas Cancer Registry. We obtained data on birth and parental demographic/reproductive characteristics from birth certificates, and estimated odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for neuroblastoma using logistic regression.ResultsGestational age 34–36 weeks at birth was associated with neuroblastoma (OR 1.45, CI 1.09–1.90), whereas female sex was inversely associated (OR 0.68, CI 0.58–0.81). Relative to children of non-Hispanic White women, children of Hispanic (OR 0.53, CI 0.43–0.64) or non-Hispanic Black (OR 0.52, CI 0.38–0.71) women were at reduced odds of neuroblastoma. When maternal and paternal race/ethnicity were evaluated jointly, similar patterns were observed (two non-Hispanic Black parents: OR 0.55, 95%CI 0.36–0.79; two Hispanic parents: OR 0.53, 95%CI 0.41–0.67). Older maternal age was also positively associated with neuroblastoma (OR 1.41, CI 1.04–1.90 for 35–39 years; OR 1.62, CI 0.87–2.81 for ≥40 years, relative to 25–29 years).ConclusionsFindings provide further evidence of racial/ethnic disparities in neuroblastoma incidence, determinants of which are unknown. In contrast to most published studies, we observed an association between maternal age and neuroblastoma. Further studies with more robust control for confounding are warranted. 相似文献
2.
Three local populations from Northeast Iceland are surveyed for the occurrence of the deflecting wrinkle of the metaconid on second deciduous and first permanent lower molars. The trait occurs more frequently on dm2 than on M1, and no sexual dimorphism is found, as expected. However, the frequencies are clearly within those predicted by the Mongoloid dental complex for Mongoloid populations. It is therefore suggested that the inclusion of the deflecting wrinkle in the Mongoloid dental complex be re-evaluated, and the racial diagnostic value of the trait taken with reservation. 相似文献
3.
Cervical cancer is still an important cause of death in countries like Colombia. We aimed to determine whether socioeconomic status of residential address (SES) and type of health insurance affiliation (HIA) might be associated with cervical cancer survival among women in Bucaramanga, Colombia. All patients residing in the Bucaramanga Metropolitan Area diagnosed with invasive cervical cancer (ICD-0–3 codes C53.X) between 2008 and 2016 (n = 725) were identified through the population-based cancer registry, with 700 women having follow-up data for >5 years (date of study closure: Dec 31, 2021), yielding an overall 5-year survival estimate (95 % CI) of 56.4 % (52.7 – 60.0 %). KM estimates of 5-year overall survival were obtained to assess differences in cervical cancer survival by SES and HIA. Multivariable Cox-proportional hazards modeling was also conducted, including interaction effects between SES and HIA. Five-year overall survival was lower when comparing low vs. high SES (41.9 % vs 57.9 %, p < 0.0001) and subsidized vs. contributive HIA (45.1 % vs 63.0 %, p < 0.0001). Multivariable Cox modeling showed increased hazard ratios (HR) of death for low vs. high SES (HR = 1.78; 95 % CI = 1.18–2.70) and subsidized vs. contributive HIA (HR = 1.44; 95 % CI = 1.13–1.83). The greatest disparity in HR was among women of low SES affiliated to subsidized HIA (vs. contributive HIA and high SES) (HR=2.53; 95 % CI = 1.62–3.97). Despite Colombia’s universal healthcare system, important disparities in cervical cancer survival by health insurance affiliation and socioeconomic status remain. 相似文献
4.
Laura J. Kwak 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(10):1708-1726
Despite declarations of race's irrelevance, the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) stance on race-related policies under former Prime Minister Stephen Harper's leadership was key to every electoral campaign it fought. Moreover, it is not despite but because of their race that racialized political elites have been incorporated into the CPC and its antecedents. Indeed, beginning in the 1990s, the inclusion of Asian Members of Parliament (MP) became for the Reform Party of Canada, a weapon in the struggle for electoral success; that is, part of an era of Conservative racial realignment. By tracing the role of Asian Conservative MP in the rise of the Reform Party since its 1987 inception and the electoral success of the CPC (2006–2015), this article explores how racialized political elites become crucial to the legitimization of the racial state when it is through a discourse of inclusion that exclusion is crafted. 相似文献
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6.
Michael Dawson 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(3):425-430
Marcus Hunter and Zandria Robinson have provided us with an innovative methodology for analysing “maps” of African Americans’ lived political, social and cultural experiences past and present. Their powerful innovation is creating maps of the black experience based on black people’s lived experience. They argue that carefully tracing spatially blacks’ political, social and cultural patterns over time leads one to the conclusion that the shared experiences of blacks throughout the polity (and indeed throughout the Diaspora) have far more in common than not. I argue that we can better understand not only the maps that black people have created, but also chocolate cities themselves by using an analytical framework that integrates the analysis of the lived experience of black people with a structural analysis that interrogates the articulation of white supremacy, capitalism and patriarchy. This framework is related to the developing research into racial capitalism that is now being conducted globally. 相似文献
7.
Michael G. Hanchard 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(8):1333-1340
This symposium on my book, The Specter of Race: How Discrimination Haunts Western Democracy (Princeton, 2018) provides an opportunity to engage specialists in classical and modern political theory and philosophy, comparative racial and ethnic politics, and political sociology who have provided commentary on different aspects of the two overarching arguments intertwined in The Specter of Race; how students of democracy have largely ignored how racial and ethno-national hierarchy has been historically tethered to its practice , and how students of comparative politics have, for the most part, ignored how these hierarchies have informed the very development of modern democracies. 相似文献
8.
Nazli Kibria 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(5):939-958
This article explores the contested meanings of the ‘Asian American’ concept in the US today. Since its emergence in the late 1960s, ‘Asian American’ has been defined by pan-Asian groups and organizations in the US as a collectivity bound by shared racial interests. Contemporary conditions have sharpened and highlighted the inherent contradictions and ambiguities of this conception of ‘Asian American’ as a racial interest group. Especially important have been the shifts in the composition of the Asian American population that followed the immigration reforms of 1965. Contestations of ‘Asian American’ also reflect larger uncertainties about the meaning of race in the US today, in particular, the nature of racial boundaries and racial disadvantage. 相似文献
9.
IntroductionThis paper presents race-specific prostate cancer mortality rates and the corresponding disparities for the largest cities in the US over two decades.MethodsThe 50 largest cities in the US were the units of analysis. Data from two 5-year periods were analyzed: 1990–1994 and 2005–2009. Numerator data were abstracted from national death files where the cause was malignant neoplasm of prostate (prostate cancer) (ICD9 = 185 and ICD10 = C61). Population-based denominators were obtained from US Census data. To measure the racial disparity, we calculated non-Hispanic Black: non-Hispanic White rate ratios (RRs), rate differences (RDs), and corresponding confidence intervals for each 5-year period. We also calculated correlation and unadjusted regression coefficients for 11 city-level variables, such as segregation and median income, and the RDs.ResultsAt the final time point (2005–2009), the US and all 41 cities included in the analyses had a RR greater than 1 (indicating that the Black rate was higher than the White rate) (range = 1.13 in Minneapolis to 3.24 in Los Angeles), 37 of them statistically significantly so. The US and 26 of the 41 cities saw an increase in the Black:White RR between the time points. The level of disparity within a city was associated with the degree of Black segregation.ConclusionThis analysis revealed large disparities in Black:White prostate cancer mortality in the US and many of its largest cities over the past two decades. The data show considerable variation in the degree of disparity across cities, even among cities within the same state. This type of specific city-level data can be used to motivate public health professionals, government officials, cancer control agencies, and community-based organizations in cities with large or increasing disparities to demand more resources, focus research efforts, and implement effective policy and programmatic changes in order to combat this highly prevalent condition. 相似文献
10.
Cristian L. Paredes 《Ethnic and racial studies》2016,39(7):1150-1169
Dynamics of compensation for the deprivations of segregation and discrimination, and the support of multiculturalism derived from ethnic cohesion explain the consumption of out-of-home highbrow leisure events by minority/ethnic individuals, immigrants, and their descendants as efforts toward their integration and assimilation in metropolitan areas. Using data from the Houston Area Survey, I examine whether there are any significant ethnic disparities in the attendance at museums and live theatres, which represent a relevant dimension of out-of-home highbrow leisure in Houston. I found that the odds of frequently attending museums and live theatres are lower for Anglos compared with non-Anglos, and higher for US-born individuals with at least one foreign parent compared with US-born individuals with US-born parents. These findings reveal that the audiences of museums and live theatres in Houston are already characterized by a noteworthy ethnic diversity. 相似文献