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Three local populations from Northeast Iceland are surveyed for the occurrence of the deflecting wrinkle of the metaconid on second deciduous and first permanent lower molars. The trait occurs more frequently on dm2 than on M1, and no sexual dimorphism is found, as expected. However, the frequencies are clearly within those predicted by the Mongoloid dental complex for Mongoloid populations. It is therefore suggested that the inclusion of the deflecting wrinkle in the Mongoloid dental complex be re-evaluated, and the racial diagnostic value of the trait taken with reservation. 相似文献
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Laura J. Kwak 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(10):1708-1726
Despite declarations of race's irrelevance, the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) stance on race-related policies under former Prime Minister Stephen Harper's leadership was key to every electoral campaign it fought. Moreover, it is not despite but because of their race that racialized political elites have been incorporated into the CPC and its antecedents. Indeed, beginning in the 1990s, the inclusion of Asian Members of Parliament (MP) became for the Reform Party of Canada, a weapon in the struggle for electoral success; that is, part of an era of Conservative racial realignment. By tracing the role of Asian Conservative MP in the rise of the Reform Party since its 1987 inception and the electoral success of the CPC (2006–2015), this article explores how racialized political elites become crucial to the legitimization of the racial state when it is through a discourse of inclusion that exclusion is crafted. 相似文献
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Tianna S. Paschel 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(8):1327-1332
Hanchard’s Spectre of Race is an important and far-reaching piece of scholarship that makes important contributions to the field of poltiical science and to our understandings of democracy, statecraft and the construction and management of difference. This article analyzes the strengths of Hanchard’s comparative methodology while also raising a number of questions about the nature and functioning of racial regimes. First, it asks where capitalist development generally, and material relations and struggles more specifically, are in hanchard’s theory of race, democracy and statecraft. More specifically, it calls for engagement with the historic, but recently revived school of studies in racial capitalism to think critically about the logic of racial states and their different manifestations. Second, the article raises a number of questions about the coherence of racial regimes, across arms of the state, across time, and across different groups. 相似文献
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Michael Dawson 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(3):425-430
Marcus Hunter and Zandria Robinson have provided us with an innovative methodology for analysing “maps” of African Americans’ lived political, social and cultural experiences past and present. Their powerful innovation is creating maps of the black experience based on black people’s lived experience. They argue that carefully tracing spatially blacks’ political, social and cultural patterns over time leads one to the conclusion that the shared experiences of blacks throughout the polity (and indeed throughout the Diaspora) have far more in common than not. I argue that we can better understand not only the maps that black people have created, but also chocolate cities themselves by using an analytical framework that integrates the analysis of the lived experience of black people with a structural analysis that interrogates the articulation of white supremacy, capitalism and patriarchy. This framework is related to the developing research into racial capitalism that is now being conducted globally. 相似文献
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Michael G. Hanchard 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(8):1333-1340
This symposium on my book, The Specter of Race: How Discrimination Haunts Western Democracy (Princeton, 2018) provides an opportunity to engage specialists in classical and modern political theory and philosophy, comparative racial and ethnic politics, and political sociology who have provided commentary on different aspects of the two overarching arguments intertwined in The Specter of Race; how students of democracy have largely ignored how racial and ethno-national hierarchy has been historically tethered to its practice , and how students of comparative politics have, for the most part, ignored how these hierarchies have informed the very development of modern democracies. 相似文献
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Nazli Kibria 《Ethnic and racial studies》2013,36(5):939-958
This article explores the contested meanings of the ‘Asian American’ concept in the US today. Since its emergence in the late 1960s, ‘Asian American’ has been defined by pan-Asian groups and organizations in the US as a collectivity bound by shared racial interests. Contemporary conditions have sharpened and highlighted the inherent contradictions and ambiguities of this conception of ‘Asian American’ as a racial interest group. Especially important have been the shifts in the composition of the Asian American population that followed the immigration reforms of 1965. Contestations of ‘Asian American’ also reflect larger uncertainties about the meaning of race in the US today, in particular, the nature of racial boundaries and racial disadvantage. 相似文献
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IntroductionThis paper presents race-specific prostate cancer mortality rates and the corresponding disparities for the largest cities in the US over two decades.MethodsThe 50 largest cities in the US were the units of analysis. Data from two 5-year periods were analyzed: 1990–1994 and 2005–2009. Numerator data were abstracted from national death files where the cause was malignant neoplasm of prostate (prostate cancer) (ICD9 = 185 and ICD10 = C61). Population-based denominators were obtained from US Census data. To measure the racial disparity, we calculated non-Hispanic Black: non-Hispanic White rate ratios (RRs), rate differences (RDs), and corresponding confidence intervals for each 5-year period. We also calculated correlation and unadjusted regression coefficients for 11 city-level variables, such as segregation and median income, and the RDs.ResultsAt the final time point (2005–2009), the US and all 41 cities included in the analyses had a RR greater than 1 (indicating that the Black rate was higher than the White rate) (range = 1.13 in Minneapolis to 3.24 in Los Angeles), 37 of them statistically significantly so. The US and 26 of the 41 cities saw an increase in the Black:White RR between the time points. The level of disparity within a city was associated with the degree of Black segregation.ConclusionThis analysis revealed large disparities in Black:White prostate cancer mortality in the US and many of its largest cities over the past two decades. The data show considerable variation in the degree of disparity across cities, even among cities within the same state. This type of specific city-level data can be used to motivate public health professionals, government officials, cancer control agencies, and community-based organizations in cities with large or increasing disparities to demand more resources, focus research efforts, and implement effective policy and programmatic changes in order to combat this highly prevalent condition. 相似文献
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