长株潭城市群生态屏障研究

构筑城市(群)生态屏障是我国生态建设的重点之一。高速城市化进程中,城市范围、征用土地、人口数量、建设规模不断扩大,生态安全形势日益严峻,生态环境保护压力不断加大。长株潭城市群是国家"两型"社会建设试验区,生态屏障建设备受关注。在广泛开展社会调研、专项调查、专题研究、学术讨论的基础上,根据景观生态学和保护生物学的相关原理,通过对区域生态压力、需求、承载力的分析,借助RS、GIS、GPS等现代高新技术,科学区划长株潭城市群生态屏障的空间层级、结构、布局、功能区,明确了各功能区的建设方向、目标,提出了分区管理和分级保护等具体空间管治措施,规划2020年前保护建设工程项目。研究结果表明,城市群必须根据生态环境承载能力,按生态隔离组团方式科学布局城市空间,预留足够的生态基地,优先构筑稳固的生态屏障;按照主体功能区划和目标定位,严格管治和合理布局生态用地,加强部门规划统筹协调,依法严格保护森林和湿地;加强公共财政转移支付和社会融资力度,抓紧实施生态屏障工程建设,努力改善环境质量,维护区域生态平衡,努力实现资源节约、环境友好、提高城市品位和综合竞争能力的社会发展目标。研究结果可为城市生态屏障建设提供科学方法和依据,同时也可为全国其它城市(群)生态屏障建设提供参考和借鉴。     

浑善达克退化沙地草地生态恢复试验研究

选择草地退化十分严重的浑善达克沙地腹地开展恢复生态学研究 ,试图寻求沙地草地生态恢复的新途径。采取“以地养地”模式 ,在小范围的土地上 ,建立高产饲草基地 ,使牲畜的压力逐步向高效地集中 ,同时改变畜群结构 ,解决当地牧民生活出路 ;而大面积的退化草地 ,主要借助自然力恢复。结果表明 ,自然力在浑善达克沙地退化生态系统恢复中起到巨大的作用 ,群落生物量、平均高度和总盖度 2年后均随恢复时间增加而增加 ( P<0 .0 5 )。流动沙丘的裸沙 ,经 2 a自然恢复后 ,生物量达 1 0 1 2 g/m,总盖度高达 60 %。与对照相比 ,封育 2 a后固定沙地群落盖度增加近 3倍 ;滩地群落生物量提高了 9倍 ,平均高度增加 4倍。植被组成方面 ,恢复前固定沙地以冷蒿 ( Artemisia frigida)、糙隐子草 ( Cleistogens squarrosa)和寸草苔 ( Carexduriuscula)等为主 ,恢复 2 a后冰草 ( Agropyron cristatum)、褐沙蒿 ( Artemisia intramongolica)等占优势 ;滩地植被中 ,羊草 ( L eymus chinensis)、披碱草 ( Elymus dahuricus)等逐步取代了灰绿藜 ( Chenopodiumglaucum)和尖头叶藜 ( Chenopodium acuminatum)等。生态恢复不仅使自然生态系统得以保护 ,而且带动了社会经济的发展 ,项目中的正蓝旗巴音胡舒嘎查牧民 ,在实验示范前后     

建设资源节约型和环境友好型广东的思考

资源消费量急剧增加,环境压力越来越大,是我国经济社会进一步发展亟待解决的问题。从国家建设资源节约型、环境友好型社会的基本要求出发,结合广东省省情,论述了加快建设资源节约型和环境友好型社会,发展循环经济和促进经济增长方式根本性转变的重要性,认为这是实现广东省经济和社会持续发展,率先基本实现社会主义现代化的必由之路;提出了普及生态科学知识,共同营造生态文明的未来,是建设资源节约型和环境友好型社会的基础。     

资源限制与发展停滞：传统社会的生态学分析

资源限制与发展停滞：传统社会的生态学分析王建革（复旦大学历史地理研究所,上海２００４３３）ＲｅｓｏｕｒｃｅｓＬｉｍｉｔａｔｉｏｎａｎｄＳｌｏｗＤｅｖｅｌｏｐｍｅｎｔ：ＡｎＥｃｏｌｏｇｉｃａｌＡｎａｌｙｓｉｓｏｆＴｒａｄｉｔｉｏｎａｌＳｏｃｉｅｔｙ．Ｗ...     

Task specialization in two social spiders,Stegodyphus sarasinorum (Eresidae) and Anelosimus eximius (Theridiidae)

Understanding the social organization of group‐living organisms is crucial for the comprehension of the underlying selective mechanisms involved in the evolution of cooperation. Division of labour and caste formation is restricted to eusocial organisms, but behavioural asymmetries and reproductive skew is common in other group‐living animals. Permanently, social spiders form highly related groups with reproductive skew and communal brood care. We investigated task differentiation in nonreproductive tasks in two permanently and independently derived social spider species asking the following questions: Do individual spiders vary consistently in their propensity to engage in prey attack? Are individual spiders' propensities to engage in web maintenance behaviour influenced by their previous engagement in prey attack? Interestingly, we found that both species showed some degree of task specialization, but in distinctly different ways: Stegodyphus sarasinorum showed behavioural asymmetries at the individual level, that is, individual spiders that had attacked prey once were more likely to attack prey again, independent of their body size or hunger level. In contrast, Anelosimus eximius showed no individual specialization, but showed differentiation according to instar, where adult and subadult females were more likely to engage in prey attack than were juveniles. We found no evidence for division of labour between prey attack and web maintenance. Different solutions to achieve task differentiation in prey attack for the two species studied here suggest an adaptive value of task specialization in foraging for social spiders.     

Disaffected black and white youth: The role of unemployment duration and perceived job discrimination*

While unauthorized immigration has existed in the USA since the inception of immigration laws in the early twentieth century, ‘illegality’ did not become a central concern in mainstream debate until the late 1970s. Existing scholarship has developed two lines of argument to explain the salience of illegality: a state-centred approach that sees bureaucrats pushing forth the category, and a ‘bottom-up’ approach that emphasizes the grass-roots activism of restrictionist organizations effectively disguising their nativism by appealing to law and order. The data collected here builds on but complicates the state-centred explanation, and points away from the ‘bottom-up’ approach. I locate a critical juncture in the immigration debate during the early 1970s and argue that the shift towards the focus on illegality as a point of concern was due to an alignment of interests that brought an array of civil society organizations commonly understood as progressive to coincide with sectors of the bureaucracy.     

State ethnicization and the crisis of leadership succession among Israel's Druze

States often ethnicize ethnic groups for their own purposes. In doing so, however, they unleash contradictory processes. While the state facilitates the integration of individuals into modern state structures on the basis of personal achievement, it will also traditionalize collective identity by promoting a recognized leader or headman. Over time ethnic reformers will challenge such state ethnicization and attempt to organize the community to achieve more autonomy, using state legislation to achieve these reforms. Paradoxically, this attempt, if successful, will not only encroach upon state power but also curtail the choice of the individual in the ethnic group to define his or her own ethnicity. The following article analyses the Israeli Druze's relationship to the State of Israel and the controversy among the Druze over the group's international organization. It analyses at what point state ethnicization gives way to ethnic autonomy at the expense of state power, and explores its implications on the development of civil society within the ethnic community. The diminution of state ethnicization in a democracy need not necessarily entail the empowerment of the ethnic group but rather the individual who belongs to it.     

State mutability and ethnic civil society: the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel

This article identifies the phenomenon of ethnic civil society activism as mobilization that seeks to empower an ethnic community and challenges the institutional order. The case of the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel is discussed and is used to reveal the conditions under which disaffected minorities pursue the path of ethnic civil society. The study finds that an analytical framework that stresses the mutability of state structures and changes in broader state-society relations provides a better explanation than existing theories of ethnic conflict. State-society characteristics conducive to this type of mobilization are a well-institutionalized state that can prevent deviation from the state's foundational rules and a counterbalanced dispersion of authority that limits regime capacity to control society.     

Response to Ethnic and Racial Studies interlocutors

This symposium on my book, The Specter of Race: How Discrimination Haunts Western Democracy (Princeton, 2018) provides an opportunity to engage specialists in classical and modern political theory and philosophy, comparative racial and ethnic politics, and political sociology who have provided commentary on different aspects of the two overarching arguments intertwined in The Specter of Race; how students of democracy have largely ignored how racial and ethno-national hierarchy has been historically tethered to its practice , and how students of comparative politics have, for the most part, ignored how these hierarchies have informed the very development of modern democracies.