Towards unifying racial and ethnic paradigms

Bridging the divide between the ethnic/assimilation and the race literatures has long vexed sociologists. Valdez and Golash-Boza are to be commended for the intellectual effort they display in this article to engage this messy and contentious relationship. The distinction between the ethnic paradigm which produces assimilation projects and the racial paradigm which produces structural racism projects is important. I further this by noting that the process involved in the racial paradigm is racialization. I engage three examples: Mexican Americans, African-Americans, and white Americans. Together, these provide clarity to the discussion of how to pursue a unified approach.     

The colour line and the colour scale in the twentieth century

Some more recent evidence supports Du Bois’ prediction that the twentieth century would prove the century of the colour line. It indicates that men have always and everywhere shown a preference for fair complexioned women as sexual partners, whereas males seeking a mate are rarely disadvantaged by a dark complexion. In the employment market in the USA, a dark complexion is a significant disadvantage for both males and females. Though there is no properly comparable evidence from other countries, there appears to be a widespread tendency for any negative valuation of darker skin colour to be incorporated into a scale of socio-economic status. In some situations a colour scale is replacing the colour line.

Du Bois’ reference to differences of colour has been largely superseded in English-speaking countries by references to differences of race. From a policy standpoint, the switch from colour to race has had both positive and negative consequences. From a sociological standpoint, it has made it more difficult to disaggregate the dimensions of social difference and to dispel the confusions engendered by ideas of racial difference.     

Property relations: alien land laws and the racial formation of Filipinos as aliens ineligible to citizenship

Because Filipino Americans are racially categorized as Asians today, many scholars presume that they were automatically included within the provisions of the alien land laws at the time of their legislation. The following article suggests that the racial status of Filipino Americans, during this early period, was much more ambiguous. Instead, most Americans perceived Filipinos in relation to Native and African-Americans. The Alien Land Laws (1913–1952) were, together with anti-miscegenation laws and the Tydings-McDuffie Act, a regime of legal policies that eventually transformed Filipinos into Asians by 1934. Meanwhile, their racial ambiguity provided early Filipino immigrants with significant opportunities to challenge their exclusion in American society, and especially the alien land laws.     

Panic Disorder in African-Americans: Symptomatology and Isolated Sleep Paralysis

While attention has been paid to thestudy of panic disorder (PD) with or withoutagoraphobia among Caucasians, surprisinglylittle empirical research within the UnitedStates has looked at the phenomenology of PDamong minority groups. In this paper wepresent data we have collected and review otherresearch on the phenomenology, social supports,and coping behavior among African-Americanswith panic disorder. Our studies indicate that,in comparison to Caucasians, African-Americanswith PD reported more intense fears of dying orgoing crazy, as well as higher levels ofnumbing and tingling in their extremities. African-Americans reported higher rates ofcomorbid post traumatic disorder and moredepression. African-Americans also usedsomewhat different coping strategies (such asreligiosity and counting one's blessings), lessself-blame, and were somewhat more dissatisfiedwith social supports. The incidence ofisolated sleep paralysis was, as per previousreports, higher in African-Americans. Thesefindings, results of other research, and theimplications for assessment and treatment arediscussed within a semantic network analysis of panic (Hinton and Hinton 2002, thisissue).     

Congenital syphilis in the past: slaves at Newton Plantation, Barbados, West Indies.

Hutchinson's incisors and Moon's molars are specific lesions of congenital syphilis. The extensive but fragmentary clinical literature on these conditions describes reduced dimensions and thin enamel in the permanent incisors and first molars, crowding and infolding of the first molar cusps, notching of the upper incisors, and apical hypoplasias of the permanent canines. A Barbados slave cemetery (ca. 1660-1820 AD) includes three individuals with these features, suggesting a frequency at birth of congenital syphilis in the population approaching 10%. These three cases show triple the frequency of all hypoplasias and more than seven times the frequency of pitting hypoplasia present in the remainder of the series. The recognizable congenital syphilis cases account for much of the remarkably high frequency of hypoplasias in the series as a whole. We infer that syphilis contributed substantially to morbidity, infant mortality, and infertility in this population. Presence or absence of congenital syphilis may account for much of the variability in health and mortality seen among nineteenth century African-American populations.     

Racial differences in body mass indices of men imprisoned in 19th Century Texas

A limited amount of research has been done on the body mass index values of 19th century Americans. This paper uses Texas prison records to demonstrate that, in contrast to today's distributions, most BMI values were in the normal range. Only 21.5% and 1.2% of the population was overweight or obese, while today comparable figures are 36% and 23%. There was also little change in BMI values between 1876 and 1919. Farmers were consistently heavier than non-farmers, while Southwestern men had lower BMI values than their counterparts from other regions of the US. BMI values indicate that 19th century African-Americans, and whites populations were well fed in spite of large expenditures on energy.     

Analysis of the region V mitochondrial marker in two Black communities of Ecuador,and in their parental populations

Data on the frequency of the mtDNA region V deletion were used to estimate the relative maternal contribution from the parental populations to the gene pools of the two Black communities of Rio Cayapas and Viche in northern Ecuador. Ethnohistorical records and nuclear DNA data indicate that these populations are hybrids of West African and Amerindian populations. The unique distribution of the DNA marker in these parental groups provided good admixture estimates. The fraction of mtDNA of Amerindian origin in the population of Rio Cayapas is quite small (8%±5%), whereas in the community of Viche the native Americans contributed the major portion of the gene pool (51%±15). The mtDNA estimate for Rio Cayapas is similar to that of some protein polymorphisms, which confirms the cultural and genetic isolation of this community from the neighboring native population. On the other hand, the admixture value obtained from nuclear genes in Viche is statistically different from the estimate obtained from mtDNA data. This supports the traditional belief, gathered from historical records and cultural data, that the contribution from Indian females was higher than that of Indian males, at least in the primary settlements of the African-American population of Esmeraldas.