Diaspora and its discontents: A Caribbean fragment in Toronto in quest of cultural recognition and political empowerment

The essay examines the role of The Ontario Society for Services to the Indo-Caribbean Community [OSSICC], a historic organization that sought to assert the dignity and re-discover the identity of Indo-Caribbean persons as a fragment of the Caribbean diaspora in Toronto, Canada. While it points to the achievement in representing the interests of its members for symbolic cultural recognition, it underscored the limitations in the political arena for empowerment, power sharing, and equality in employment opportunities and for an equitable share of the resources of the state. Further, it describes how the ethnic conflict in the homeland persisted in the new site of the diaspora, about lost opportunities for healing, and about inter-generational discontinuities in the reconstruction of the Caribbean self. On a larger scale, the article is about membership and citizenship in the new homeland of the diaspora, its seductions and betrayals in the new frontier of Canadian multiculturalism.     

Shifting perspectives on transnationalism: analysing Dutch political discourse on Moroccan migrants' transnational ties, 1960–2010

Abstract

This article examines the Dutch state's shifting perspectives on migrants' ties with their country of origin. In the academic literature transnationalism was introduced as a neutral term. In political debates the term transnationalism is hardly used, but the ties of migrants with their country of origin (to which the term transnationalism relates) are given a strong negative connotation. They are seen as the main course of failed integration policy. In the past fifty years a dramatic shift has occurred in how these ties are perceived. First, they were regarded positively and were believed to facilitate an easy return of the guest workers. Later they continued to be portrayed positively, but were also considered to be a springboard for integration into Dutch society. Recently they have been portrayed negatively and as the main obstacle to integration. This article explores why this dramatic shift in connotation has occurred.     

The ambiguities of political opportunity: political claims-making of Russian-Jewish immigrants in New York City

Abstract

How, and as what, are immigrant minorities incorporated into the political process? A set of prominent approaches focus on the political opportunity structure that immigrants encounter. Although promising in many aspects, these approaches fail to consider the internal heterogeneity of both immigrant populations and opportunity structures. This is partly a result of taking ethnic groups rather than political entrepreneurs as the unit of analysis and of not disaggregating the political context properly. I show how Russian-Jewish immigrant political entrepreneurs in New York City used very different strategies of ethnic mobilization, each emphasizing a different ethnic cleavage: one making claims in the name of Russians, the other downplaying Russianness and highlighting the Jewish identity dimension. Both strategies had good chances at success thus illustrating that political opportunity structures may encourage different claims-making strategies at the same time. Ethno-political entrepreneurs navigate complex political landscapes that are ex-ante only partially transparent.     

The politics of race and sport: Resistance and domination in the 1968 African American Olympic protest movement

Using the case of the African American Olympic protest movement that grew out of the crisis of the civil rights struggle in the late 1960s, this article is an attempt to argue that work involving identity, culture and popular culture is crucial to the study of race and ethnicity in the contemporary world. A reconstruction of this movement demonstrates, first of all, how a cultural arena like sport can make it possible for otherwise powerless racial and ethnic minorities to draw attention to their cause. Of course, as with most insurgent movements, such initiatives ultimately (and often very quickly) come up against structural impediments that work to reject or absorb their challenge and reinforce the hegemony of the established regime. But the precise nature of the structural constraints operating in this particular case provides profound insight into the construction of social order in liberal democratic settings and the threat posed by cultural politics to this order. More specifically, I argue that athletic protest was overwhelmingly condemned and rejected because it threatened to rupture the homologies between sport culture and liberal democratic ideology that otherwise legitimated a fundamentally individualist, assimilationist vision of racial justice and civil rights in the United States. In more general theoretical terms, then, culturally‐oriented movements expose the ways in which domination itself is deeply structured in and through culture. The article concludes by suggesting that this, especially in an age when capital and power have discovered techniques to insulate themselves against traditional, materialist forms of resistance, is why cultural forums and identity politics have become primary sites of the struggle for hegemony.     

Understanding Kurdish ethno-nationalism in Turkey: socio-economy,religion, and politics

Abstract

In his recent article in Ethnic and Racial Studies, entitled ‘Curbing Kurdish ethno-nationalism in Turkey’, (Sarigil 2010 Sarigil, Zeki. 2010. Curbing Kurdish ethno-nationalism in Turkey: an empirical assessment of pro-Islamic and socio-economic approaches. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 33(3): 533–53. [Taylor &; Francis Online], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]) tests two rival hypotheses regarding Kurdish ethno-nationalism in Turkey and, using data from the World Values Survey (WVS), finds that socio-economic status (levels of income and education) better explains the individual roots of Kurdish ethno-nationalism in Turkey than does religiousness. In this paper, I offer both a methodological critique of Sarigil's research and a replication of his model with a more appropriate sample. I first argue that Sarigil's research design lacks internal validity because it studies Kurdish nationalism within a sample that predominantly consists of Turks, which invalidates his findings. I then replicate and expand Sarigil's model within a specific sample of Kurdish-speaking people in Turkey. The results show dramatic changes. Religiosity and political satisfaction seem to be better predictors of support for Kurdish ethno-nationalism in Turkey than do socio-economic factors.     

A political body of civic and communal belonging: political memories in the creation of the Australian immigrant society

Any notion of political belonging is highly contested. Ultimately though, the political body of a society is shaped by contestation of two modes of belonging: civic and communal. In Australia, the relationship between these two modes of belonging has been negotiated through political conflicts, not least in reference to immigration, since the early years of European settlement. This article traces the trajectory of these conflicts by analysing political memories, specifically those of Australia Day commemorations, to engage with the underlying tension that constitutes the country's political body. Engaging with the long-standing civic/ethnic debate, it is argued that the actual relationship between civic and ethnic/communal belonging, rather than any separate references to them, is crucial to the specific constitution of sovereign political bodies, their particular form of social and political conflicts, and the ensuing implementation of policies, not least regarding migration.     

Streitkultur and the governance of genetic testing and insurance in Germany

Rapid developments in genetic testing have given rise to fundamental ethical, legal, and social questions that need to be dealt with in society. Results of genetic tests may be of interest to third parties such as private insurance companies, leading to fears of genetic discrimination. In Germany, the Government adopted the Genetic Diagnosis Act (Gendiagnostikgesetz, GenDG) in 2009 to protect people from, inter alia, genetic discrimination in obtaining life or health insurance. Given the sensitivity of the topic, this legislation was continually revised between 2001 and 2009. In this article, we reconstruct the process of formulating the GenDG with regard to genetics and insurance. The article begins with the parliamentary Enquete Commission in 2000 to develop a strategy and recommendations for the governance of genetic diagnostics, and analyzes how these recommendations were applied during the legislative process. We demonstrate that the legislative process of GenDG was largely determined by conventional methods of governance, rather than Streitkultur called for by the Enquete Commission in 2002. We conclude that though Streitkultur was defined as a mechanism to develop a robust approach to the governance of genetic diagnostics, it failed to influence a crucial element in genetic testing and insurance; namely, to fully protect insurees from genetic discrimination.     

Sudden Shift or Migratory Drift? FulBe Herd Movements to the Sudano-Guinean Region of West Africa

A significant change in the geography of livestock raising over the past 30 years is the southerly movement of FulBe herds into the humid Sudanian and Guinean savannas of West Africa. The literature suggests that the severe droughts of the early 1970s and mid-1980s were the driving force behind this southern expansion of mobile livestock raising. The conventional view is that drought forced herders to seek greener pastures to the south, an area that zebu cattle have previously avoided because of the presence of tsetse flies, the vector of animal sleeping sickness (trypanosomiasis). This “sudden push” hypothesis places Sahelian herds in savanna pastures in a matter of a 1–3 years. This stimulus-response model runs counter to our observations and understanding of the social and ecological processes influencing FulBe herd movements. We challenge the “sudden shift” thesis at the regional scale by arguing that the southerly expansion of FulBe herds has proceeded according to a more complex temporal frame that includes generational, biological, and social historical timeframes and periodicities. We distinguish between short-term shifts (“test movements”) and more permanent shifts (“migration movements”). These mobility patterns are linked to contingent factors such as cattle diseases, drought, and political instability, as well as to more structural and adaptive features such as the establishment of social networks, herding contracts, and cattle cross-breeding. Shifts in livestock ownership and the social differentiation among herders are important variables for understanding changes in herd movements. We conclude that the permanent shift of herds to the humid savannas of West Africa has been preceded by a series of social and agroecological adjustments that operate on decadal and generational time scales.

Exploring the population dynamics of waterfowl hunters using a mark-recapture approach

The number of waterfowl hunters in the United States has declined since the 1980s despite relatively abundant waterfowl populations and liberal hunting regulations. Programs focused on recruiting, retaining, and reactivating (R3) waterfowl hunters have become important to avoid further losses in traditional revenue for habitat management and protection and political support for waterfowl conservation and management. We focus on 4 waterfowl hunter population vital rates (i.e., recruitment rate, retention probability, license purchase probability, realized population growth rate), which can be used to improve the effectiveness of waterfowl hunter R3 activities and initiatives by providing a deeper understanding of waterfowl hunter population dynamics to determine who programs should target, where programs should be targeted, and finally the evaluation of programs. To do so, we analyzed Nebraska state electronic license data from 2012–2019 using Pradel survival and recruitment models in a mark-recapture framework. Female waterfowl hunter recruitment was higher than males; however, retention and license purchase probabilities were lower. Recruitment was highest in younger generations and retention highest in older generations. License purchase probabilities were highest among those in the oldest and youngest generations. The availability of hunting opportunity increased license purchase probabilities but had a minimal influence on retention and no association with recruitment. There were weak relationships between rurality and recruitment, and retention and license purchase probabilities. Finally, belonging to Ducks Unlimited was positively associated with higher license purchase and retention probabilities. Targeting an increase in license purchase probability by promoting social support for hunters through conservation organization membership should be a focus of waterfowl hunter R3 efforts to have the greatest influence on increasing waterfowl hunter participation.     

Segmented political assimilation: perceptions of racialized opportunities and Latino immigrants' partisan identification

Abstract

To account for Latino immigrants' assimilation into the American political mainstream, I derive social psychological factors from the contextual notion of ‘modes of incorporation’ in the segmented assimilation literature. These social psychological factors, perceptions of racialized opportunities (PROPs), relate to immigrants' adoption of political party identities (i.e. Democrat, Republican). I test these PROPs factors utilizing the 2006 Latino National Survey (N=5,717 immigrant Latino respondents). Multinomial logistic regressions predicting party identification, compared to either ‘Don't Know’ or ‘Don't Care’ options, indicate that PROPs are significantly related to Latino immigrants' identification as either Democrats or Republicans. High levels of identification with perceived white opportunities are related to Republican identity and high levels of identification with perceived black opportunities differentiate Democrats from Republicans.