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11.
In the context of heightened suspicion and anti-Muslim stereotypes in a post-9/11 and 7/7 era, Muslim women who wear the niqab (face veil) are stigmatized, criminalized and marked as ‘dangerous’ to British/Western values. While the wearing of the niqab has elicited a good deal of media, political and public debates, little attention has been paid to the opinions of Muslim women who wear it. Drawing on individual and focus group interviews with Muslim women who wear the niqab in the UK, this article places at the centre of the debate the voices of those women who do wear it, and explores their reasons for adopting it. The findings show that the wearing of the niqab emerges as a personal choice, an expression of religious piety, public modesty and belonging to the ‘ummah’. It is also perceived as a form of agency, and non-conformity to Western consumerist culture and lifestyle.  相似文献   
12.
In this paper, I will share findings from a qualitative study that offers a thematic analysis of 76 interviews with Muslim patients and families as well as doctors, nurses, allied health professionals, chaplains and community faith leaders across the United Kingdom. The data show that for many Muslims, Islam—its texts and lived practice—is of central importance when they are deliberating about death and dying . Central to these deliberations are virtues rooted within Islamic theology and ethics, the traditions of adab (virtue) and aqhlaq (proper conduct). Themes analysed include theological and moral understandings around the virtues of hope and acceptance. The study provides an analysis of these themes in relation to the experiences of Muslim patients and families arriving at meaning making around death and dying and how this interfaces with their interaction with biomedicine and healthcare. The study shows that the juxtaposition of different values and moral frameworks require careful negotiation when Muslim patients and families encounter the healthcare system. The study also describes how healthcare professionals and staff of other faiths and no faith encounter Muslim beliefs and practices, and the challenges they face in interpreting virtues and values rooted in faith, especially when these are perceived to be mutually opposed or inconsistent.  相似文献   
13.
ABSTRACT

This paper expands upon some of Goldberg’s initial reflections regarding the new type of ‘subject’ that is at the heart of post-raciality. A particular attention is paid to the connection with religion, as many of the current conflicts in Europe have been articulated through the grammar of secularism and religion, especially in relationship to Islam. This observation invites us to consider how this ‘racialization of religion’ figures as a reminder of the central role of this politico-theological question in the demarcation of who counts as a proper (political) subject, and how the current debates about Islam figure as a reminder of that.  相似文献   
14.
In recent years, academic critique has worked toward exposing the underlying ethno-religious biases in official formulations of secular citizenship in Turkey. While such studies have highlighted the contradictions and inconsistencies that emerge in these grand narratives of national belonging, they have tended to privilege statist determinants of the bounds of nationhood. In this article, I offer an intervention into this discussion by exploring how citizens themselves encounter and embrace religion as a marker of national belonging in Turkey. In particular, I discuss the case of the 1950s Bosniak migration to Turkey and explore the salience of the migratory journey in informing their experiences of secular citizenship and national belonging.  相似文献   
15.
The mounting tide of foreign fighters leaving Britain for the Middle East to fight, sacrifice or find new lives has blighted European governments and led to the further tightening up of counter-terrorism measures. Since the first British arrest of a Syrian returnee (Choudhury) in 2014, the latest figures of foreign fighter returnees have surged to approximately 800. A number of strategies aimed at thwarting these trends have surfaced including a call upon Muslim parents to scrutinise their children’s attitudes and behaviour and to be watchful of their radicalization. Based on a study in the West Midlands (in the UK), the paper provides a snapshot of how Muslim parents have received calls upon them to report their actual or potentially radicalized children to the police. We argue that current practices are likely to be ineffective unless more democratic spaces are provided for free political expression.  相似文献   
16.
Interactions between phospholipid membranes (made of palmitoyloleoylphosphatidylcholine, cardiolipin and cholesterol) after addition of beta2 glycoprotein I (beta2GPI) or anti-beta2GPI antibodies or a mixture of both were studied by observing giant phospholipid vesicles under the phase contrast microscope. Both, negatively charged and neutral vesicles coalesced into complexes and adhered to the bottom of the observation chamber in the presence of beta2GPI in solution. Anti-beta2GPIs alone or previously mixed with beta2GPI caused coalescence of charged but not neutral vesicles, i.e. for neutral membranes the effect of beta2GPI was abolished by the presence of anti-beta2GPIs. Since the presence of the above adhesion mediators can prevent fragmentation of the membrane we propose a (new) possible anticoagulant mechanism for some serum proteins by preventing the release of prothrombogenic microexovesicles into circulation.  相似文献   
17.
The aim of this study is to examine the relation between religiosity and civic competences required to practise democratic citizenship. We compare non-religious, Christian and Muslim adolescents in the Netherlands to see whether (a) there is a relation between religion and civic competences, and (b) whether this differs depending on religious denomination. In the public debate, the reconcilability of Islamic beliefs and democratic citizenship is often questioned, but the relation between the two lacks empirical support. Results from analyses on data of 364 adolescents in the Netherlands indicate that religious adolescents have more developed democratic competences than non-religious adolescents. This is the case both for Christian and Muslim adolescents. The strength of religiosity does not play a role in predicting civic competences. Importantly, no differences are found between the civic competences of Muslim and Christian youth.  相似文献   
18.
Pnina Werbner 《Ethnos》2013,78(4):441-464
This paper argues that the refusal of the Muslim Council of Britain to attend Holocaust Memorial Day highlights a key dimension of memory as political myth: namely, the sense that time is cyclical. Prior external and internal enemies (in their current manifestations) are apocalyptically destined to threaten the integrity of the nation once more. Hence, ideologies based on political myths draw on both the future hopes and the future fears of people. The paper highlights the similarities between Jewish and Pakistani fears, rooted in the Holocaust and Partition, of a repeated ‘cycle of death and suffering’. These loom large especially for those suffering racism. The more bound people are by their narrow group's particular symbols and history, the more apocalyptic their vision of this future is likely to be.  相似文献   
19.
In August 2018, Denmark became the latest European country to ban the wearing of the niqab (face veil) in public. Indeed, several European countries such as France, Belgium and Austria have already implemented a ban on the wearing of the niqab in public places in these countries on the basis that the niqab is a symbol of gender oppression, Islamist fundamentalism and lack of integration. This issue has been the subject of heated media, political and public debates; however, the voices of veiled Muslim women remain unheard. Within the framework of Critical Race Feminism, the paper draws on qualitative interviews with Muslim women who wear the niqab in the United Kingdom (UK), in order to explore their views on legislation banning the wearing of the niqab in public.  相似文献   
20.
The Hui people are unique among Chinese ethnic minorities in that they speak the same language as Han Chinese (HAN) but practice Islam. However, as the second-largest minority group in China numbering well over 10 million, the Huis are under-represented in both global and regional genomic studies. Here, we present the first whole-genome sequencing effort of 234 Hui individuals (NXH) aged over 60 who have been living in Ningxia, where the Huis are mostly concentrated. NXH are genetically more similar to East Asian than to any other global populations. In particular, the genetic differentiation between NXH and HAN (FST = 0.0015) is only slightly larger than that between northern and southern HAN (FST = 0.0010), largely attributed to the western ancestry in NXH (∼10%). Highly differentiated functional variants between NXH and HAN were identified in genes associated with skin pigmentation (e.g., SLC24A5), facial morphology (e.g., EDAR), and lipid metabolism (e.g., ABCG8). The Huis are also distinct from other Muslim groups such as the Uyghurs (FST = 0.0187), especially, NXH derived much less western ancestry (∼10%) compared with the Uyghurs (∼50%). Modeling admixture history indicated that NXH experienced an episode of two-wave admixture. An ancient admixture occurred ∼1,025 years ago, reflecting the intensive west–east contacts during the late Tang Dynasty, and the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. A recent admixture occurred ∼500 years ago, corresponding to the Ming Dynasty. Notably, we identified considerable sex-biased admixture, that is, excess of western males and eastern females contributing to the NXH gene pool. The origins and the genomic diversity of the Hui people imply the complex history of contacts between western and eastern Eurasians.  相似文献   
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