Warlords,priests and the politics of ethnic cleansing: a case-study from rural Bosnia Hercegovina

There is a tendency among social scientists and others to interpret the ethnic cleansing in Bosnia Hercegovina as the result of a political policy carefully orchestrated from above and systematically carried out. Whatever eruptions of war violence might deviate from this interpretation are generally viewed as primitive balkanism, pointless acts, banditism or mental aberrations. Terms of this kind reflect an uncritical acceptance of a central or national leader perspective, dismissing as deviant everything that fails to go according to plan, and denying the significance of specific local and regional circumstances or failing at any rate to problematize and examine them. This article describes a process the final result of which can be seen as the ethnic homogenization of a region, but only part of its dynamics can be attributed to a policy implemented from above. Rather, its course can largely be traced back to local vendettas and a long-standing conflict between Franciscan friars and diocesan priests. The case illustrates that a systematic study "from below" is crucial to a better understanding of the dynamics and the developmental logic of the processes of ethnic cleansing. The article concludes with some theoretical thoughts which fit into the current debate on civilizing and decivilizing processes.     

The shifting sources of racial definition in Trinidad and Tobago,and Guyana: a research agenda

This comparison of ethnic relations in two countries, Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana, supplements the research findings of synchronic studies of "the social construction of race" by offering a historically based framework to understand particular and local instances of ethnic relations. Drawing on a long historical study of Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana, I argue that the institutional sources of definition of key "ethnicities" have shifted through the centuries. "Ethnicities" have been successively defined by the institutions of capital, state and community. While these institutions have overlapped in time they are not equally important at a given moment in the matter of defining "ethnicity". The content of the definitions has also varied significantly. At present political communities and the family are the major social institutions that determine "ethnic" content.     

新疆女性乳腺癌657例临床病理分析

目的:比较维族与汉族乳腺癌患者的临床病理信息,旨在了解两民族之间乳腺癌临床病理特征的差异。方法:收集汉族病例407例,维族病例250例,对临床病理资料、,应用免疫组化En Vision两步法检测ER、PR、Her-2、BRCA1进行对比分析。结果:汉族及维族乳腺癌患者的年龄、淋巴结转移情况无统计学差异(P0.05),汉族及维族患者乳腺癌的肿瘤大小、肿瘤组织学分级、ER、PR、Her-2及BRCA1的表达有统计学差异(P0.05),维汉民族间三阴性乳腺癌的比例有显著统计学差异(P=0.0000)。维汉民族三阴性乳腺癌与BRCA1的表达存在相关性。结论:维汉民族间乳腺癌的临床病理特征存在差异,维族患者三阴性乳腺癌明显多于患者患者,维汉民族患者三阴性乳腺癌均与BRCA1基因突变有关。     

Group self-determination,individual rights,or social inclusion? Competing frames for ethnic counting in Hungary

Abstract

Despite increasing demand from policymakers and academics alike, effective policies on ethnic data collection for social inclusion purposes are still absent in most of Europe. This paper proposes to explain the failure to produce these policies by the coexistence of and tensions among contradictory frames on ethnic counting. An in-depth analysis of Hungarian policies reveals that three mutually inconsistent policy frames connect ethnic counting to ethnic diversity in many different ways. These frames are group self-determination, individual rights, and social inclusion. This paper illustrates the tensions among the three through a discussion of two core but divisive aspects of collecting ethnic statistics: defining ethnic classifications for counting and defining membership in ethnic groups for policy purposes. Tensions among the three result in inconsistent and inefficient policies of ethnic counting.     

Towards a redefinition of Jewish nationalism in Israel? The enigma of Shas

The electoral success of Shas, a mizrahi, religious political party in Israel is analysed with the help of the cultural division of labour model. Mizrahim (Jews originating in Muslim countries) are a semi-peripheral ethnic group in Israel, located between the dominant ashkenazim (Jews of European origin) and the Palestinians. While most mizrahim have been voting Likud for the past twenty-five years, increasingly the poorer among them have been shifting their vote to Shas. The key to Shas's success, where other efforts to organize mizrahi political parties have failed, is its integrative, rather than separatist, ideology. Shas seeks to replace secular Zionism with religious Judaism as the hegemonic ideology in Israeli society, and presents this as the remedy for both the socio-economic and the cultural grievances of its constituency. This integrative message, emphasizing the commonalities between mizrahim and ashkenazim, rather than their differences, is attractive to mizrahim because of their semi-peripheral position in the society.     

Relational identities on EU borderlands: the case of Poles in Belarus and Belarusians in Poland

The paper argues that the well-known triadic relationship between kin state, resident state and national minority needs to take into account a fourth dimension: that of European institutions. This is illustrated through a study of relational identities on the EU’s Eastern border where the reconfiguration of ethnic relations followed the end of the iron curtain and EU accession. It considers two neighbouring ethnic minorities. One minority is part of the EU – the Belarusians in Poland – and the other is not part of the EU – the Poles in Belarus. The paper argues that the intersection of these four relational dimensions result in contrasting kinds of ethnic identification for the two minority groups leading to either fluidification or solidification under different circumstances.     

中国少数民族体成分的变化

本文对中国少数民族23352例（男10070例,女13282例）的体成分进行了分析,以了解中国少数民族脂肪率、肌肉量的现状,探讨体成分随年龄增长的变化规律。研究发现,男性和女性总体上属于超重水平,还没有达到肥胖水平。与南方族群男性相比,北方阿尔泰语系族群的男性四肢脂肪率高、内脏脂肪等级高、水分率低。南方族群中,藏缅语族群、苗瑶语族群、壮侗语族群的四肢脂肪率、内脏脂肪等级、水分率相对接近;南亚语系族群与这3个南方族群差距较大。与南方族群女性相比,北方阿尔泰语系族群的女性躯干、四肢肌肉量大,骨骼重;南方4个族群女性躯干、四肢肌肉量较小,骨骼较轻,骨量、肌肉量彼此接近。随年龄增长,男性骨量下降,水分率增大;上肢脂肪率减小,躯干脂肪率增大,内脏脂肪等级增大,即脂肪向躯干集中,全身总体脂率增大;下肢肌肉量减少,躯干肌肉量下降,最终导致全身总肌肉量下降。随年龄增长,女性上肢的脂肪率和肌肉量没有明显变化,下肢的脂肪率下降,躯干脂肪率和内脏脂肪等级增大,总体脂率增大;躯干肌肉量下降,总肌肉量下降。男性推定骨量下降的节点是50岁,女性是60岁。男性总肌肉量下降的节点是40岁,女性是50岁。男性、女性身体水分率增加的节点都是60岁,内脏脂肪等级增加的节点都是30岁,总脂肪率下降的节点都是60岁,躯干脂肪率增加的节点都是30岁,躯干肌肉量下降的节点都是40岁。研究还发现,体脂率、内脏脂肪等级与血糖呈显著正相关。研究结果反映了中国少数民族从青年到老年的体成分变化的基本规律。     

基诺族、布朗族和拉祜族的4种红细胞血型分布

调查了云南基诺族、布朗族和拉祜族各100人的 ABO、Rh、MN和 P血型系统。结果表明 ,ABO血型系统中 p基因频率拉祜族最高 (0 .2420 ) ,基诺族最低 (0 .0779) ,布朗族居中(0 .2144 )。 r基因频率是基诺族最高 (0 .6971) ,拉祜族最低 (0 .5288) ,布朗族居中 (0 .5964)。Rh血型系统中 ,基诺族和拉祜族都是以 CCDee和 Cc DE-为常见类型 ,而且都是 CCDee最高 ,Cc DE-次之。拉祜族和基诺族的 CDe频率分别为 0 .7433和 0 .6950 ;c DE频率分别为 0 .1 871和0 .2517;基因频率 d为零。MN血型系统中 ,这 3个民族都是基因频率 m>n。P血型系统中 ,本次调查的 3个民族的p1基因频率在全国已调查过的汉族和少数民族中均是最高值 (拉祜族0 .50 99,布朗族 0 .4690 ,基诺族 0 .4359)。     

Between votes and bullets. Conflicting ethnic identities in the Basque Country

With settlement of the Northern Irish conflict, the Basque Country hosts the most threatening nationalist conflict in the European Union. After the breakdown of the ceasefire late in 1999, a return of intensive and indiscriminate ETA violence has provoked a political and social crisis for Basque (and Spanish) society, and, according to all recent opinion polls, the issue of terrorism now ranks first among citizens' worries. This article focuses on the historical origins of the Basque conflict, its evolution during the Francoist dictatorship (1939–75), and the reasons for its continuity in the new political context of democracy. Special attention is paid to the attempt of kick-starting a peace process in 1998, comparison with the Northern Irish experience, and factors which contributed to the collapse of that attempt of peaceful accommodation. Finally, in the light of the most outstanding theoretical approaches towards the explanation of political violence in the Basque Country, several proposals for the necessary rethinking of this problem are presented.