Production of ochratoxin a,citrinin, and ergosterol byPenicillium viridicatum in autoclaved and non-autoclaved wheat at low temperature

Wheat (moisture content: 26%) was autoclaved or left untreated, inoculated with conidia ofPenicillium viridicatum and stored at 10°C. The fungus grew on both substrates and was the dominant mould on the non-autoclaved grain. Autoclaving resulted in an earlier onset of ergosterol, ochratoxin A, and citrinin production due to accelerated mould growth. Yield of ochratoxin A increased while citrinin slightly decreased in autoclaved wheat.     

Trypanosoma cruzi: 4-aminopyrazolopyrimidine in the treatment of experimental Chagas' disease

An allopurinol metabolite, 4-aminopyrazolopyrimidine, was tested on two different strains of mice (NMRI-IVIC and C57Bl/6J) that had been infected 4 days earlier with the virulent Ya strain of Trypanosoma cruzi. Low doses of 4-aminopyrazolopyrimidine (0.125-0.500 mg/kg body wt/day) for 10 days induced a significant reduction in parasitemia (direct counts and subinoculation experiments) and increased survival time (without any evidence of toxicity) compared with untreated animals. When tested in vitro, 4-aminopyrazolopyrimidine was sixfold more active than allopurinol as a trypanostatic drug. The low therapeutic doses of 4-aminopyrazolopyrimidine suggest that this drug may be useful in the treatment of acute Chagas' disease.     

‘Milk’ secretion for embryogenesis in a viviparous cockroach

The brood sac of viviparous Diploptera punctata is a typical insect integumentary gland which secretes a ‘milk’ containing protein and carbohydrate to nourish the developing embryos. During gestation the secretory cells proliferate organelles of protein synthesis and secretion and brood sac wet weight, protein content, synthetic activity and secretory output increase five- to six-fold ; a maximum of 0.4 mg protein was collected in 24 hr from one brood sac in a later stage of gestation. Following parturition, when secretory activity ceases, these parameters fall markedly, and the secretory cells decrease their mass by autophagic regression. Acid phosphatase has been located histochemically in autolysomes and assayed in brood sac homogenates; activity reaches a maximum five days after parturition.     

An Improved Diluent for Rubella Hemagglutination and Hemagglutination-Inhibition Tests

Rubella hemagglutinating (HA) antigen was prepared in BHK-21 tissue as 5% cell suspensions and from unconcentrated and 20× concentrated infected supernatant fluids. In some instances, unconcentrated fluids were treated with Tween 80 and ether; cell suspensions were treated with ether alone. Preparations were tested for HA activity in dextrose-gelatin-Veronal (DGV) buffer solutions; 0.85% NaCl; Sorenson's phosphate-buffered saline, pH 7.2; and a diluent of 0.9% NaCl, 0.1% CaCl₂ (anhydrous), and 0.1% MgSO₄·7H₂O. HA titers were consistently two- to fourfold higher in the saline with added Ca⁺⁺ and Mg⁺⁺ than in DGV. Hemagglutination-inhibition titers of paired human sera were the same in either diluent. It is suggested that the interaction between rubella HA antigen and the red cells of young (less than 1-day-old) chicks may be at least partially ion dependent and that titers are enhanced by increased quantities of divalent cations.     

Paleomagnetic evidence for the evolution of Meso- to Neo-proterozoic glaciogenic rocks in central-eastern Brazil

Paleomagnetic studies on basic dikes in the eastern São Francisco Craton which have isotopic ages of 1.0–1.1 Ga, define an apparent polar wander path for South America over this time interval. The data indicate that the São Francisco Craton was at paleolatitudes between 40° and 65° at the time of emplacement of these dikes. Neo-Proterozoic sedimentary glaciogenic rocks, the Macaúbas Group, Bebedouro Formation, Ibiá Formation and Carandai Formation, crop out in central-eastern Brazil. An age of about 1.0 Ga has been proposed for these glacial deposits. Paleogeographical reconstructions of South America show a continental movement coherent with paleoenvironmental models proposed for the Macaúbas Group and suggest that the glacial period may have occurred between 1.01 and 1.08 Ga.     

Sex differences in the behaviour of immature captive lowland gorillas

Studies of the behaviour of 26 (12 males and 14 females) captive infant and juvenile lowland gorillas showed clear sex differences. Females showed greater interest in young infants and were more active in nest building as well as in solitary and social grooming. Males were more active in locomotive, dominance, and aggressive behaviour and in social play. Hand-rearing further increased aggression. Males were more aggressive when they lived with only one partner, and they rose in rank even above older females, a pattern that has not been observed in naturally reared gorillas.     

A microdeletion of less than 250 kb, including the proximal part of the FMR-1 gene and the fragile-X site, in a male with the clinical phenotype of fragile-X syndrome

A gene designated "FMR-1" has been isolated at the fragile-X locus. One exon of this gene is carried on a 5.1-kb EcoRI fragment that exhibits length variation in fragile-X patients because of amplification of or insertion into a CGG-repeat sequence. This repeat probably represents the fragile site. The EcoRI fragment also includes an HTF island that is hypermethylated in fragile-X patients showing absence of FMR-1 mRNA. In this paper, we present further evidence that the FMR-1 gene is involved in the clinical manifestation of the fragile-X syndrome and also in the expression of the cellular phenotype. A deletion including the HTF island and exons of the FMR-1 gene was detected in a fragile X-negative mentally retarded male who presented the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. The deletion involves less than 250 kb of genomic DNA, including DXS548 and at least five exons of the FMR-1 gene. These data support the hypothesis that loss of function of the FMR-1 gene leads to the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. In the fragile-X syndrome, there are pathogenetic mechanisms other than amplification of the CGG repeat that do have the same phenotypic consequences.     

Wendell Stanley's dream of a free-standing biochemistry department at the University of California, Berkeley

Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.¹⁰⁰ The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.¹⁰¹ Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences.