全文获取类型
收费全文 | 9999篇 |
免费 | 871篇 |
国内免费 | 4篇 |
专业分类
10874篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 52篇 |
2022年 | 87篇 |
2021年 | 171篇 |
2020年 | 97篇 |
2019年 | 132篇 |
2018年 | 161篇 |
2017年 | 158篇 |
2016年 | 266篇 |
2015年 | 436篇 |
2014年 | 501篇 |
2013年 | 562篇 |
2012年 | 802篇 |
2011年 | 778篇 |
2010年 | 499篇 |
2009年 | 455篇 |
2008年 | 638篇 |
2007年 | 548篇 |
2006年 | 531篇 |
2005年 | 428篇 |
2004年 | 458篇 |
2003年 | 431篇 |
2002年 | 413篇 |
2001年 | 112篇 |
2000年 | 130篇 |
1999年 | 102篇 |
1998年 | 106篇 |
1997年 | 83篇 |
1996年 | 83篇 |
1995年 | 69篇 |
1994年 | 54篇 |
1993年 | 72篇 |
1992年 | 76篇 |
1991年 | 77篇 |
1990年 | 60篇 |
1989年 | 58篇 |
1988年 | 52篇 |
1987年 | 60篇 |
1986年 | 58篇 |
1985年 | 68篇 |
1984年 | 54篇 |
1983年 | 59篇 |
1982年 | 42篇 |
1981年 | 46篇 |
1980年 | 50篇 |
1977年 | 47篇 |
1976年 | 40篇 |
1975年 | 40篇 |
1974年 | 42篇 |
1973年 | 42篇 |
1972年 | 40篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
Increasing pressure is being placed on the scientific community to evaluate research activities. Scientific meetings consume a small but important fraction of the research budget. Audit of a well established series of scientific meetings showed that they met their immediate objectives in that they were international and multidisciplinary and provided a forum in which all participants actively contributed to discussion. The meetings had a positive outcome for the participants, leading in many cases to the subsequent exchange of research material (60% of participants) and to the establishment of collaborative research projects (31%). The impact of the meetings on the scientific community at large was assessed by citation analysis, which showed that the proceedings were cited early, often, and over a substantial period. 相似文献
32.
Sandra N. Hing Carolyn M. Giles Angela H. L. Fielder J. Richard Batchelor 《Immunogenetics》1986,23(3):151-155
Twenty-three individuals from various disease groups and normal controls were identified by immunofixation with anti-C4, C4-dependent lysis, determination of Rg (Rodgers) and Ch (Chido) phenotypes, and immunoblotting with C4-specific mouse monoclonal antibody. We found that one haplotype predominates with the C4B
*
5 allele, HLA-A11, B22(55), Cw3, Bf
*
S, C4A
*
4B
*
5, which also carries the Ch
1,–2, 3 haplotype. The B5 allotype was also found with HLA-1360, HLA-1335 in Caucasoids, and HLA-B18 in non-Caucasoids; these carried the Ch
–1, –2, –3 haplotype. Our results are in accord with an earlier report of two B5 subtypes, B5Rg+ and B5Rg– (Roos et al. 1984). The specificity of the mouse monoclonal antibodies IC4 and 21312 had been previously related to C4A and C4B, respectively, but our results suggest that they relate more closely to Rg and Ch determinants. 相似文献
33.
Fatty acid synthetase, malic enzyme and other NADP+ binding dehydrogenases have similar antigenic determinant(s) at the NADPH binding domain 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
The sequence of tryptic and chymotryptic peptides from cytosolic and mitochondrial rabbit liver serine hydroxymethyltransferase are compared to the proposed sequence of a protein coded for by the glyA gene of Escherichia coli. The E. coli glyA gene is believed to code for serine hydroxymethyltransferase. Extensive sequence homology between these peptides were found for the proposed E. coli enzyme in the aminoterminal two-thirds of the molecule. All three proteins have identical sequences from residue 222-231. This sequence is known to contain the lysyl residue which forms a Schiff's base with pyridoxal-P in the two rabbit liver enzymes. These results support the interpretation that the proposed sequence of E. coli serine hydroxymethyltransferase is correct. The data also show that cytosolic and mitochondrial serine hydroxymethyltransferase are homologous proteins. 相似文献
34.
The biochemical and ultrastructural effects of tunicamycin and D-glucosamine in L1210 leukemic cells
Michael J. Morin Carl W. Porter Patricia McKernan Ralph J. Bernacki 《Journal of cellular physiology》1983,114(2):162-172
Tunicamycin was found to specifically inhibit the incorporation of a number of sugars into L1210 leukemia cell glycoproteins. This inhibition of glyco-protein biosynthesis led to a cessation of cell growth which was reversible in a dose-dependent and time-dependent manner. After removal of the antibiotic from L1210 cell cultures resumption of sugar incorporation preceded that of thymidine incorporation and the recovery of cell growth. The treatment of cells with tunicamycin resulted in a significant increase in the intracellular pool of UDP-N-acetylglucosamine which occurred concurrently with alterations in cell ultrastructure including distentions of the endoplasmic reticulum and nuclear membranes. Similar ultrastructural changes and increases in the intracellular pools of UDP-sugars were observed in L1210 cells exposed to 5 mM D-glucosamine, which suggested that the antiproliferative effects of tunicamycin may be related to the accumulation in the endoplasmic reticulum of one or more nucleotide sugar precursors of asparagine-linked glycoprotein biosynthesis. However, the biological effects of tunicamycin could be distinguished from those caused by D-glucosamine. Exposure of L1210 cells to tunicamycin resulted in specific alterations in the biochemical composition of the plasma membrane and in the inhibition of cellular agglutination by wheat germ agglutinin which were not apparent following exposure to equitoxic concentrations of the aminosugar. These studies, together with those which demonstrated that recovery of the cellular capacity to synthesize glycoproteins was obligatory for the recovery of cellular proliferation in tunicamycin-treated cells, suggested that inhibition of the synthesis of glycoproteins was the major factor limiting L1210 leukemic cell proliferation. 相似文献
35.
Analysis of frequencies of single and random multiple transformations in Diplococcus pneumoniae showed that there are at least two transformable units per cell of the total population in highly competent cultures. If 100% of the cells are competent in these cases, the units may be interpreted as the strands of one duplex deoxyribonucleic acid recipient chromosome. The theory is developed to allow for extension to more complex situations. 相似文献
36.
37.
Specializations of the unit membrane 总被引:16,自引:0,他引:16
38.
Properties of farnesyl pyrophosphate synthetase of pig liver 总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7
39.
Creager AN 《Journal of the history of biology》1996,29(3):331-360
Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.100 The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.101
Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences. 相似文献
40.
Luciana A. Haddad Regina C. Mingroni-Netto Angela M. Vianna-Morgante Sérgio D. J. Pena 《Human genetics》1996,97(6):808-812
Ever since the identification of the genetic cause of fragile X syndrome as the expansion of an unstable trinucleotide sequence,
several diagnostic strategies have evolved from molecular studies. However, we still lack a simple test suitable for population
screening. We have therefore developed a nonisotopic polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based technique for the identification
of fragile X full mutations among men, with easy visualization of the PCR products on silver-stained polyacrylamide gels.
The technique consists of PCR amplification with primers that flank the trinucleotide repeats, with a product of 557 bp for
the (CGG)29 allele. Conditions were established such that full mutations failed to amplify and were thus identified with 98% sensitivity
compared with Southern blot analysis. To produce an indispensable internal control we added to the reaction a third primer,
internal to this fragment, allowing the multiplex amplification of a monomorphic band corresponding to a CG-rich stretch 147
bp upstream of the polymorphic region. In trials involving 41 patients and 74 controls, the PCR-based test here described
showed specificity of more than 98.6%, accuracy of 99% and a sensitivity of 98%. Thus, although not suitable for medical diagnosis,
it constitutes a useful tool for screening for the fragile X syndrome in populations of mentally retarded males.
Received: 31 May 1995 / Revised: 4 October 1995 相似文献