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21.
Sandra N. Hing Carolyn M. Giles Angela H. L. Fielder J. Richard Batchelor 《Immunogenetics》1986,23(3):151-155
Twenty-three individuals from various disease groups and normal controls were identified by immunofixation with anti-C4, C4-dependent lysis, determination of Rg (Rodgers) and Ch (Chido) phenotypes, and immunoblotting with C4-specific mouse monoclonal antibody. We found that one haplotype predominates with the C4B
*
5 allele, HLA-A11, B22(55), Cw3, Bf
*
S, C4A
*
4B
*
5, which also carries the Ch
1,–2, 3 haplotype. The B5 allotype was also found with HLA-1360, HLA-1335 in Caucasoids, and HLA-B18 in non-Caucasoids; these carried the Ch
–1, –2, –3 haplotype. Our results are in accord with an earlier report of two B5 subtypes, B5Rg+ and B5Rg– (Roos et al. 1984). The specificity of the mouse monoclonal antibodies IC4 and 21312 had been previously related to C4A and C4B, respectively, but our results suggest that they relate more closely to Rg and Ch determinants. 相似文献
22.
Arrays of foils similar in design to airplane wings have been placed in an algal culture flume to create systematic mixing. Vortices are produced in the culture due to the pressure differential created as water flows over and under the foils. In a flume having a flow rate of 30 cm/s, the foil arrays produced vortices with rotation rates of ca. 0.5-1.0 Hz. This rotation rate is satisfactory to take advantage of the flashing light effect if the culture is sufficiently dense. Solar energy conversion efficiencies in an experimental culture of P. tricornutum increased 2.2-2.4 fold with the foil arrays in place versus controls with no foil arrays and solar energy conversion efficiencies averaged 3.7% over a three-month period. Five-day running means of solar energy conversion efficiencies reached as high as 10% during the three-month period. The use of foil arrays appears to be an effective and inexpensive way to utilize the flashing light effect in a dense algal culture system. 相似文献
23.
The brood sac of viviparous Diploptera punctata is a typical insect integumentary gland which secretes a ‘milk’ containing protein and carbohydrate to nourish the developing embryos. During gestation the secretory cells proliferate organelles of protein synthesis and secretion and brood sac wet weight, protein content, synthetic activity and secretory output increase five- to six-fold ; a maximum of 0.4 mg protein was collected in 24 hr from one brood sac in a later stage of gestation. Following parturition, when secretory activity ceases, these parameters fall markedly, and the secretory cells decrease their mass by autophagic regression. Acid phosphatase has been located histochemically in autolysomes and assayed in brood sac homogenates; activity reaches a maximum five days after parturition. 相似文献
24.
25.
An Improved Diluent for Rubella Hemagglutination and Hemagglutination-Inhibition Tests 总被引:3,自引:2,他引:1 下载免费PDF全文
Angela E. Auletta Gary L. Gitnick Carrie E. Whitmire John L. Sever 《Applied microbiology》1968,16(5):691-694
Rubella hemagglutinating (HA) antigen was prepared in BHK-21 tissue as 5% cell suspensions and from unconcentrated and 20× concentrated infected supernatant fluids. In some instances, unconcentrated fluids were treated with Tween 80 and ether; cell suspensions were treated with ether alone. Preparations were tested for HA activity in dextrose-gelatin-Veronal (DGV) buffer solutions; 0.85% NaCl; Sorenson's phosphate-buffered saline, pH 7.2; and a diluent of 0.9% NaCl, 0.1% CaCl2 (anhydrous), and 0.1% MgSO4·7H2O. HA titers were consistently two- to fourfold higher in the saline with added Ca++ and Mg++ than in DGV. Hemagglutination-inhibition titers of paired human sera were the same in either diluent. It is suggested that the interaction between rubella HA antigen and the red cells of young (less than 1-day-old) chicks may be at least partially ion dependent and that titers are enhanced by increased quantities of divalent cations. 相似文献
26.
R. M. Laws 《African Journal of Ecology》1968,6(1):19-52
I. Summary The present paper is based on the examination of lower jaws from some 3000 individuals of Hippopotamus amphibius L. which were collected in the course of cropping operations in the Queen Elizabeth Park, Uganda between 1961 and 1966. It extends an earlier study by W. M. Longhurst, who described 20 relative age groups based on tooth replacement and wear. The age groups, slightly modified, are described and illustrated here and should serve as a useful field guide. Mean chronological ages from 0–43 years have been allocated to the groups. Checks which confirm the validity of the ages allotted are presented and discussed. These include correlation with the mandibular age group of six known-age animals; findings on the age-related incidence of rinderpest-neutralising antibodies; the orderly progress of fusion of the mandibular symphysis and rate of loss of the first premolar. Growth layers present in the teeth are discussed. The growth of the eye lens is also described. After an initial phase of rapid growth the lens continues to grow throughout life and follows a rectilinear pattern from an estimated age of eight years onwards. This is expected from the findings of similar studies on other species for which known-age specimens are available. Variability of lens dry weight at age is relatively small and indicates that the estimated ages are reasonably precise. Growth of the mandible is analysed and is not inconsistent with the ages allotted. A marked sex difference in mandible weight at age allows the sex of found jaws to be determined at ages above eight years. The growth of the teeth is described. Both canines and incisors show well-marked sex differences in growth rate and size. The post-canine teeth do not show sex differences. Cycles of growth, wear and resorption of these teeth are discussed and it is concluded that mechanical senescence of the teeth is a major factor in mortality at ages above 30 years. Growth in body length is briefly discussed and provides further confirmation of the validity and precision of the age criteria. Growth equations are presented. Finally a survivorship curve derived from the ageing of 207 jaws assumed to represent natural deaths is presented. Population models are constructed from the survivorship curves by calculation of estimated natality rates (obtained by applying data on age at first breeding and annual pregnancy rate to the survivorship data) and life tables are constructed. The shape of the survivorship curve and the percentage recruitment agree with expectation and provide further evidence of the consistency of the age criteria. 相似文献
27.
Angela Meder 《Primates; journal of primatology》1990,31(1):51-63
Studies of the behaviour of 26 (12 males and 14 females) captive infant and juvenile lowland gorillas showed clear sex differences.
Females showed greater interest in young infants and were more active in nest building as well as in solitary and social grooming.
Males were more active in locomotive, dominance, and aggressive behaviour and in social play. Hand-rearing further increased
aggression. Males were more aggressive when they lived with only one partner, and they rose in rank even above older females,
a pattern that has not been observed in naturally reared gorillas. 相似文献
28.
Creager AN 《Journal of the history of biology》1996,29(3):331-360
Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.100 The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.101
Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences. 相似文献
29.
Luciana A. Haddad Regina C. Mingroni-Netto Angela M. Vianna-Morgante Sérgio D. J. Pena 《Human genetics》1996,97(6):808-812
Ever since the identification of the genetic cause of fragile X syndrome as the expansion of an unstable trinucleotide sequence,
several diagnostic strategies have evolved from molecular studies. However, we still lack a simple test suitable for population
screening. We have therefore developed a nonisotopic polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based technique for the identification
of fragile X full mutations among men, with easy visualization of the PCR products on silver-stained polyacrylamide gels.
The technique consists of PCR amplification with primers that flank the trinucleotide repeats, with a product of 557 bp for
the (CGG)29 allele. Conditions were established such that full mutations failed to amplify and were thus identified with 98% sensitivity
compared with Southern blot analysis. To produce an indispensable internal control we added to the reaction a third primer,
internal to this fragment, allowing the multiplex amplification of a monomorphic band corresponding to a CG-rich stretch 147
bp upstream of the polymorphic region. In trials involving 41 patients and 74 controls, the PCR-based test here described
showed specificity of more than 98.6%, accuracy of 99% and a sensitivity of 98%. Thus, although not suitable for medical diagnosis,
it constitutes a useful tool for screening for the fragile X syndrome in populations of mentally retarded males.
Received: 31 May 1995 / Revised: 4 October 1995 相似文献
30.
Márcia Camargo-De-Morais Marta De Freitas Angela G. De Mattos Nádia Schröder Ana C. Zilles Carla S. F. Lisboa Nice Arteni Armando Barlem Rejane Schierholt Guilherme Zwetsch Carlos A. B. Souza Regina Pessoa-Pureur Carlos A. Netto 《Neurochemical research》1996,21(5):595-602
Neurofilaments subunits (NF-H, NF-M, NF-L) and glial fibrillary acidic protein (GFAP) were investigated in the hippocampus
of rats after distinct periods of reperfusion (1 to 15 days) following 20 min of transient global forebrain ischemia in the
rat. In vitro [14Ca]leucine incorporation was not altered until 48 h after the ischemic insult, however concentration of intermediate filament
subunits significantly decreased in this period. Three days after the insult, leucine incorporation significantly increased
while the concentration NF-H, NF-M, and NF-L were still diminished after 15 days of reperfusion. In vitro incorporation of32P into NF-M and NF-L suffered immediately after ischemia, but returned to control values after two days of reperfusion. GFAP
levels decreased immediately after ischemia but quickly recovered and significantly peaked from 7 to 10 days after the insult.
These results suggest that transient ischemia followed by reperfusion causes proteolysis of intermediate filaments in the
hippocampus, and that proteolysis could be facilitated by diminished phosphorylation levels of NF-M and NF-L. 相似文献