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91.
Studies of the behaviour of 26 (12 males and 14 females) captive infant and juvenile lowland gorillas showed clear sex differences. Females showed greater interest in young infants and were more active in nest building as well as in solitary and social grooming. Males were more active in locomotive, dominance, and aggressive behaviour and in social play. Hand-rearing further increased aggression. Males were more aggressive when they lived with only one partner, and they rose in rank even above older females, a pattern that has not been observed in naturally reared gorillas.  相似文献   
92.
Two experiments were conducted to study effects of cloprostenol sodium (cloprostenol) and clenbuterol HCl (clenbuterol) during postpartum anestrus on subsequent reproductive performance in cows. In Experiment I, 96 cows received either 0.5 mg cloprostenol (PGF, n = 25), 364 mg clenbuterol (CLEN, n = 24), 0.5 mg cloprostenol and 364 mg clenbuterol (CLEN+PGF, n = 21) or no treatment (Control, n = 26) on Day 20 post partum. Treatments failed to influence postpartum interval, pregnancy rate or the incidence of short estrous cycles preceding the first normal estrous cycle. In Experiment II, anestrous cows were administered cloprostenol (0.5 mg) on either Day 20 (PGF20, n = 27) or Day 35 post partum (PGF35, n = 25), or served as untreated controls (Control, n = 26). Neither postpartum interval nor pregnancy rate were affected by cloprostenol treatment. In conclusion, treatment of postpartum cows with PGF did not alter the resumption of normal estrous cycles following parturition.  相似文献   
93.
A gene designated "FMR-1" has been isolated at the fragile-X locus. One exon of this gene is carried on a 5.1-kb EcoRI fragment that exhibits length variation in fragile-X patients because of amplification of or insertion into a CGG-repeat sequence. This repeat probably represents the fragile site. The EcoRI fragment also includes an HTF island that is hypermethylated in fragile-X patients showing absence of FMR-1 mRNA. In this paper, we present further evidence that the FMR-1 gene is involved in the clinical manifestation of the fragile-X syndrome and also in the expression of the cellular phenotype. A deletion including the HTF island and exons of the FMR-1 gene was detected in a fragile X-negative mentally retarded male who presented the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. The deletion involves less than 250 kb of genomic DNA, including DXS548 and at least five exons of the FMR-1 gene. These data support the hypothesis that loss of function of the FMR-1 gene leads to the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. In the fragile-X syndrome, there are pathogenetic mechanisms other than amplification of the CGG repeat that do have the same phenotypic consequences.  相似文献   
94.
植物种群的空间分布型是生物在特定的条件下形成的,它反映了植物种群个体的散布状态以及对环境的适应性和生境对植物影响的生态反映的生态学关系,是一条可以了解凭种类组成研究演替的研究途径 森下正明(Morisita,1959)提出了扩散指数Io(Morisita's index);美国的Lloyd,(1967)提出了平均拥挤度(Mean crowding,m)这个颇有兴趣  相似文献   
95.
Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.100 The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.101 Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences.  相似文献   
96.
Experiments based on four accessions of maca (Lepdium meyenii) disclosed higher developmental rates in plants grown in neutral pH (6.6) soil when compared with those grown in acidic soil (5.3). Photoperiod response studies revealed similar growth rate for plants grown under either long day or short day condition. Plants in the field and growth chambers completed their life cycle in 11 months or less, therefore maca can be considered an annual crop. These results suggest that the range of adaptation of maca is not as narrow as previously believed, and therefore it can be successfully produced outside its natural habitat. Chromosome counts and predominance of bivalents in diakinesis and metaphase I disclosed that maca is a disomic octoploid of 2n=8x=64 chromosomes. Field and growth chamber observations and morphological uniformity of the plants within accessions indicate that maca relies mainly on self-fertilization for its reproduction.  相似文献   
97.
98.
Abstract: To study the level of ciliary neurotrophic factor (CNTF) in human nervous tissues, we developed a sensitive enzyme-linked immunoassay using a specific antibody against human CNTF. This method allowed us to detect as little as 0.3 ng/ml of human CNTF with good linearity and accuracy. Using this method, CNTF levels were determined in human sciatic nerves obtained at autopsy from 21 amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) patients and 48 subjects who had died of other neurological diseases. CNTF genotypes were also determined. The results indicated that CNTF levels were high in the normal homozygotes and approximately halved in the heterozygote subjects. There was, however, no significant difference in CNTF levels in the sciatic nerves between ALS and other neurological disease patients, indicating that the CNTF level was mainly determined by its genotypes and that the level in the sciatic nerves was not reduced in ALS patients.  相似文献   
99.
Ever since the identification of the genetic cause of fragile X syndrome as the expansion of an unstable trinucleotide sequence, several diagnostic strategies have evolved from molecular studies. However, we still lack a simple test suitable for population screening. We have therefore developed a nonisotopic polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based technique for the identification of fragile X full mutations among men, with easy visualization of the PCR products on silver-stained polyacrylamide gels. The technique consists of PCR amplification with primers that flank the trinucleotide repeats, with a product of 557 bp for the (CGG)29 allele. Conditions were established such that full mutations failed to amplify and were thus identified with 98% sensitivity compared with Southern blot analysis. To produce an indispensable internal control we added to the reaction a third primer, internal to this fragment, allowing the multiplex amplification of a monomorphic band corresponding to a CG-rich stretch 147 bp upstream of the polymorphic region. In trials involving 41 patients and 74 controls, the PCR-based test here described showed specificity of more than 98.6%, accuracy of 99% and a sensitivity of 98%. Thus, although not suitable for medical diagnosis, it constitutes a useful tool for screening for the fragile X syndrome in populations of mentally retarded males. Received: 31 May 1995 / Revised: 4 October 1995  相似文献   
100.
Neurofilaments subunits (NF-H, NF-M, NF-L) and glial fibrillary acidic protein (GFAP) were investigated in the hippocampus of rats after distinct periods of reperfusion (1 to 15 days) following 20 min of transient global forebrain ischemia in the rat. In vitro [14Ca]leucine incorporation was not altered until 48 h after the ischemic insult, however concentration of intermediate filament subunits significantly decreased in this period. Three days after the insult, leucine incorporation significantly increased while the concentration NF-H, NF-M, and NF-L were still diminished after 15 days of reperfusion. In vitro incorporation of32P into NF-M and NF-L suffered immediately after ischemia, but returned to control values after two days of reperfusion. GFAP levels decreased immediately after ischemia but quickly recovered and significantly peaked from 7 to 10 days after the insult. These results suggest that transient ischemia followed by reperfusion causes proteolysis of intermediate filaments in the hippocampus, and that proteolysis could be facilitated by diminished phosphorylation levels of NF-M and NF-L.  相似文献   
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