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31.
Ribosomal subunits of Caldariella acidophila (max.growth temp., 90°C) have been compared to subunits of Bacillus acidocaldarius (max. growth temp., 70°C) and Escherichia coli (max. growth temp., 47°C) with respect to (a) bihelical content of rRNA; (b) G·C content of bihelical domains and (c) tightness of rRNA-protein interactions. The principal results are as follows. 1. Subunits of C. acidophila ribosomes (Tm = 90–93°C) exhibit considerable thermal tolerance over their B. acidocaldarius (Tm = 77°C) and E. coli counterparts (Tm = 72°C). 2. Based on the ‘melting’ hyperchromicities of the intact ribosomal subunits a 51–55% fraction of the nucleotides appears to participate in hydrogen-bonded base pairing regardless of ribosome source, whereas a larger fraction, 67–70%, appears to be involved in hydrogen bonding in the naked rRNA species. 3. The G·C content of bihelical domains of both free and ribosome-bound rRNA increases with increasing thermophily; based on hyperchromicity dispersion spectra of intact subunits and free rRNA, the bihelical parts of C. acidophila rRNA are estimated to contain 63–64% G·C, compared to 58.5% G·C for B. acidocaldarius and 55% G·C for E. coli. 4. The increment in ribosome Tm values with increasing thermophily is greater than the increase in Tm for the free rRNA, indicating that within ribosomes bihelical domains of the thermophile rRNA species are stabilized more efficiently than their mesophile counterparts by proteins or/ and other component(s). 5. The efficiency of the rRNA-protein interactions in the mesophile and thermophile ribosomes has been probed by comparing the releases, with LiCl-urea, of the rRNA species from the corresponding ribosomal subunits stuck to a Celite column through their protein moiety; it has been established that the release of C. acidophila rRNA from the Celite-bound ribosomes occurs at salt-urea concentrations about 4-fold higher than those required to release rRNA from Celite-bound E. coli ribosomes. 6. Compared to E. coli, the C. acidophila 50 and 30 S ribosomal subunits are considerably less susceptible to treatment designed to promote ribosome unfolding through depletion of magnesium ions.  相似文献   
32.
Endocytosis of yeast cells by Tetrahymena pyriformis GL for a period of 2.5 h produced changes in cellular acid hydrolases. Acid phosphatase, acid deoxyribonuclease and acid proteinase activities were markedly increased, whereas there was a decrease in acid ribonuclease activity and little change in -glucosidase activity. These alterations do not appear to be due to any alteration in the rates of secretion of these enzymes into the milieu. Evidence is presented that the cellular enzyme increases found upon endocytosis of yeast reflect changes in lysosomal enzymes, because it was shown that the acid phosphatase activity increase resulted in an increased amount of latent enzyme within the cell. The results also support the idea that there are at least 3 distinct populations of lysosomes, in addition to phagolysosomes, present in Tetrahymena pyriformis GL, with different modes of formation. There appears to be a large excess of lysosomes, uncombined with phagosomes, present in these fed cells since latency averaged 66% in broken-cell preparations which contained very few intact phagolysosomes. The phagolysosomal acid phophatase activity cannot account for more than 34% of that present in the cell. The endocytosis of yeast in the presence of growth medium resulted in a marked drop in the rate of cell division as compared to cells growing in the growth medium alone. The results are discussed.  相似文献   
33.
The brood sac of viviparous Diploptera punctata is a typical insect integumentary gland which secretes a ‘milk’ containing protein and carbohydrate to nourish the developing embryos. During gestation the secretory cells proliferate organelles of protein synthesis and secretion and brood sac wet weight, protein content, synthetic activity and secretory output increase five- to six-fold ; a maximum of 0.4 mg protein was collected in 24 hr from one brood sac in a later stage of gestation. Following parturition, when secretory activity ceases, these parameters fall markedly, and the secretory cells decrease their mass by autophagic regression. Acid phosphatase has been located histochemically in autolysomes and assayed in brood sac homogenates; activity reaches a maximum five days after parturition.  相似文献   
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Rubella hemagglutinating (HA) antigen was prepared in BHK-21 tissue as 5% cell suspensions and from unconcentrated and 20× concentrated infected supernatant fluids. In some instances, unconcentrated fluids were treated with Tween 80 and ether; cell suspensions were treated with ether alone. Preparations were tested for HA activity in dextrose-gelatin-Veronal (DGV) buffer solutions; 0.85% NaCl; Sorenson's phosphate-buffered saline, pH 7.2; and a diluent of 0.9% NaCl, 0.1% CaCl2 (anhydrous), and 0.1% MgSO4·7H2O. HA titers were consistently two- to fourfold higher in the saline with added Ca++ and Mg++ than in DGV. Hemagglutination-inhibition titers of paired human sera were the same in either diluent. It is suggested that the interaction between rubella HA antigen and the red cells of young (less than 1-day-old) chicks may be at least partially ion dependent and that titers are enhanced by increased quantities of divalent cations.  相似文献   
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Studies of the behaviour of 26 (12 males and 14 females) captive infant and juvenile lowland gorillas showed clear sex differences. Females showed greater interest in young infants and were more active in nest building as well as in solitary and social grooming. Males were more active in locomotive, dominance, and aggressive behaviour and in social play. Hand-rearing further increased aggression. Males were more aggressive when they lived with only one partner, and they rose in rank even above older females, a pattern that has not been observed in naturally reared gorillas.  相似文献   
38.
A gene designated "FMR-1" has been isolated at the fragile-X locus. One exon of this gene is carried on a 5.1-kb EcoRI fragment that exhibits length variation in fragile-X patients because of amplification of or insertion into a CGG-repeat sequence. This repeat probably represents the fragile site. The EcoRI fragment also includes an HTF island that is hypermethylated in fragile-X patients showing absence of FMR-1 mRNA. In this paper, we present further evidence that the FMR-1 gene is involved in the clinical manifestation of the fragile-X syndrome and also in the expression of the cellular phenotype. A deletion including the HTF island and exons of the FMR-1 gene was detected in a fragile X-negative mentally retarded male who presented the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. The deletion involves less than 250 kb of genomic DNA, including DXS548 and at least five exons of the FMR-1 gene. These data support the hypothesis that loss of function of the FMR-1 gene leads to the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. In the fragile-X syndrome, there are pathogenetic mechanisms other than amplification of the CGG repeat that do have the same phenotypic consequences.  相似文献   
39.
Abstract: The fibrillogenic properties of Alzheimer's Aβ peptides corresponding to residues 1–40 of the normal human sequence and to two mutant forms containing the replacement Ala21 to Gly or Glu22 to Gln were compared. At pH 7.4 and 37°C the Gln22 peptide was found to aggregate and precipitate from solution faster than the normal Aβ, whereas the Gly21 peptide aggregated much more slowly. Electron microscopy showed that the aggregates all had fibrillar structures. Circular dichroism spectra of these peptides revealed that aggregation of the normal and Gln22 sequences was associated with spectral changes consistent with a transformation from random coil to β sheet, whereas the spectrum of the Gly21 peptide remained almost unchanged during a period in which little or no aggregation occurred. When immobilised by spotting onto nitrocellulose membranes the peptides bound similar amounts of the radioisotope 65Zn2+. Of several competing metal ions, tested at 20× the concentration of Zn2+, Cu2+ displaced >95% of the radioactivity from all three peptides and Ni2+ produced >50% displacement in each case. Some other metal ions tested caused lesser displacement, but Fe2+ and Al3+ were without effect. In a saturation binding assay, a value of 3.2 µM was obtained for the binding of Zn2+ to Aβ but our data provided no evidence for a reported higher affinity site (107 nM). The results suggest that the neuropathology associated with the Gly21 mutation is not due to enhanced fibrillogenic or different metal-binding properties of the peptide and that the binding of zinc to amyloid peptides is not a specific phenomenon.  相似文献   
40.
Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.100 The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.101 Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences.  相似文献   
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