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31.
32.
An Improved Diluent for Rubella Hemagglutination and Hemagglutination-Inhibition Tests 总被引:3,自引:2,他引:1
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Angela E. Auletta Gary L. Gitnick Carrie E. Whitmire John L. Sever 《Applied microbiology》1968,16(5):691-694
Rubella hemagglutinating (HA) antigen was prepared in BHK-21 tissue as 5% cell suspensions and from unconcentrated and 20× concentrated infected supernatant fluids. In some instances, unconcentrated fluids were treated with Tween 80 and ether; cell suspensions were treated with ether alone. Preparations were tested for HA activity in dextrose-gelatin-Veronal (DGV) buffer solutions; 0.85% NaCl; Sorenson's phosphate-buffered saline, pH 7.2; and a diluent of 0.9% NaCl, 0.1% CaCl2 (anhydrous), and 0.1% MgSO4·7H2O. HA titers were consistently two- to fourfold higher in the saline with added Ca++ and Mg++ than in DGV. Hemagglutination-inhibition titers of paired human sera were the same in either diluent. It is suggested that the interaction between rubella HA antigen and the red cells of young (less than 1-day-old) chicks may be at least partially ion dependent and that titers are enhanced by increased quantities of divalent cations. 相似文献
33.
34.
Angela Meder 《Primates; journal of primatology》1990,31(1):51-63
Studies of the behaviour of 26 (12 males and 14 females) captive infant and juvenile lowland gorillas showed clear sex differences.
Females showed greater interest in young infants and were more active in nest building as well as in solitary and social grooming.
Males were more active in locomotive, dominance, and aggressive behaviour and in social play. Hand-rearing further increased
aggression. Males were more aggressive when they lived with only one partner, and they rose in rank even above older females,
a pattern that has not been observed in naturally reared gorillas. 相似文献
35.
A microdeletion of less than 250 kb, including the proximal part of the FMR-1 gene and the fragile-X site, in a male with the clinical phenotype of fragile-X syndrome
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Doris Whrle Dieter Kotzot Mark C. Hirst Antonella Manca Bernhard Korn Angela Schmidt Gotthold Barbi Hans-Dieter Rott Annemarie Poustka Kay E. Davies Peter Steinbach 《American journal of human genetics》1992,51(2):299-306
A gene designated "FMR-1" has been isolated at the fragile-X locus. One exon of this gene is carried on a 5.1-kb EcoRI fragment that exhibits length variation in fragile-X patients because of amplification of or insertion into a CGG-repeat sequence. This repeat probably represents the fragile site. The EcoRI fragment also includes an HTF island that is hypermethylated in fragile-X patients showing absence of FMR-1 mRNA. In this paper, we present further evidence that the FMR-1 gene is involved in the clinical manifestation of the fragile-X syndrome and also in the expression of the cellular phenotype. A deletion including the HTF island and exons of the FMR-1 gene was detected in a fragile X-negative mentally retarded male who presented the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. The deletion involves less than 250 kb of genomic DNA, including DXS548 and at least five exons of the FMR-1 gene. These data support the hypothesis that loss of function of the FMR-1 gene leads to the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. In the fragile-X syndrome, there are pathogenetic mechanisms other than amplification of the CGG repeat that do have the same phenotypic consequences. 相似文献
36.
Angela Clements David Allsop Dominic M. Walsh Carvell H. Williams 《Journal of neurochemistry》1996,66(2):740-747
Abstract: The fibrillogenic properties of Alzheimer's Aβ peptides corresponding to residues 1–40 of the normal human sequence and to two mutant forms containing the replacement Ala21 to Gly or Glu22 to Gln were compared. At pH 7.4 and 37°C the Gln22 peptide was found to aggregate and precipitate from solution faster than the normal Aβ, whereas the Gly21 peptide aggregated much more slowly. Electron microscopy showed that the aggregates all had fibrillar structures. Circular dichroism spectra of these peptides revealed that aggregation of the normal and Gln22 sequences was associated with spectral changes consistent with a transformation from random coil to β sheet, whereas the spectrum of the Gly21 peptide remained almost unchanged during a period in which little or no aggregation occurred. When immobilised by spotting onto nitrocellulose membranes the peptides bound similar amounts of the radioisotope 65Zn2+. Of several competing metal ions, tested at 20× the concentration of Zn2+, Cu2+ displaced >95% of the radioactivity from all three peptides and Ni2+ produced >50% displacement in each case. Some other metal ions tested caused lesser displacement, but Fe2+ and Al3+ were without effect. In a saturation binding assay, a value of 3.2 µM was obtained for the binding of Zn2+ to Aβ but our data provided no evidence for a reported higher affinity site (107 nM). The results suggest that the neuropathology associated with the Gly21 mutation is not due to enhanced fibrillogenic or different metal-binding properties of the peptide and that the binding of zinc to amyloid peptides is not a specific phenomenon. 相似文献
37.
Creager AN 《Journal of the history of biology》1996,29(3):331-360
Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.100 The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.101
Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences. 相似文献
38.
Luciana A. Haddad Regina C. Mingroni-Netto Angela M. Vianna-Morgante Sérgio D. J. Pena 《Human genetics》1996,97(6):808-812
Ever since the identification of the genetic cause of fragile X syndrome as the expansion of an unstable trinucleotide sequence,
several diagnostic strategies have evolved from molecular studies. However, we still lack a simple test suitable for population
screening. We have therefore developed a nonisotopic polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based technique for the identification
of fragile X full mutations among men, with easy visualization of the PCR products on silver-stained polyacrylamide gels.
The technique consists of PCR amplification with primers that flank the trinucleotide repeats, with a product of 557 bp for
the (CGG)29 allele. Conditions were established such that full mutations failed to amplify and were thus identified with 98% sensitivity
compared with Southern blot analysis. To produce an indispensable internal control we added to the reaction a third primer,
internal to this fragment, allowing the multiplex amplification of a monomorphic band corresponding to a CG-rich stretch 147
bp upstream of the polymorphic region. In trials involving 41 patients and 74 controls, the PCR-based test here described
showed specificity of more than 98.6%, accuracy of 99% and a sensitivity of 98%. Thus, although not suitable for medical diagnosis,
it constitutes a useful tool for screening for the fragile X syndrome in populations of mentally retarded males.
Received: 31 May 1995 / Revised: 4 October 1995 相似文献
39.
Márcia Camargo-De-Morais Marta De Freitas Angela G. De Mattos Nádia Schröder Ana C. Zilles Carla S. F. Lisboa Nice Arteni Armando Barlem Rejane Schierholt Guilherme Zwetsch Carlos A. B. Souza Regina Pessoa-Pureur Carlos A. Netto 《Neurochemical research》1996,21(5):595-602
Neurofilaments subunits (NF-H, NF-M, NF-L) and glial fibrillary acidic protein (GFAP) were investigated in the hippocampus
of rats after distinct periods of reperfusion (1 to 15 days) following 20 min of transient global forebrain ischemia in the
rat. In vitro [14Ca]leucine incorporation was not altered until 48 h after the ischemic insult, however concentration of intermediate filament
subunits significantly decreased in this period. Three days after the insult, leucine incorporation significantly increased
while the concentration NF-H, NF-M, and NF-L were still diminished after 15 days of reperfusion. In vitro incorporation of32P into NF-M and NF-L suffered immediately after ischemia, but returned to control values after two days of reperfusion. GFAP
levels decreased immediately after ischemia but quickly recovered and significantly peaked from 7 to 10 days after the insult.
These results suggest that transient ischemia followed by reperfusion causes proteolysis of intermediate filaments in the
hippocampus, and that proteolysis could be facilitated by diminished phosphorylation levels of NF-M and NF-L. 相似文献
40.
Ma Rosario de la Torre Angela Casado Ma Encarnación López-Fernández Diana Carrascosa Ma Concepción Casado Domenico Venarucci Vincenzo Venarucci 《Neurochemical research》1996,21(8):885-888
In order to investigate the role of two free radical detoxificant enzymes in patients with aging brain disorders, superoxide
dismutase (SOD) and catalase (CAT) activities have been measured in blood from male and female human patients of different
ages with several types of aging brain disorders. When compared with activities in the normal population, we have detected:
1) SOD and CAT activities are decreased in patients with Parkinson disease. 2) SOD activity seems to be normal and CAT activity
is decreased in patients with dementia. 3) In the patients with stroke, SOD activity is normal, while CAT activity is decreased.
SOD activity was measured in red blood cells using the Minami and Yoshikawa method. CAT activity was measured in hemolysates
by the method of Aebi. We can conclude that SOD and CAT activities in patients with Parkinson disease are decreased. 相似文献