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61.
A number of studies have demonstrated increased synthesis of heat shock proteins in brain following hyperthermia or transient ischemia. In the present experiments we have characterized the time course of heat shock RNA induction in gerbil brain after ischemia, and in several mouse tissues after hyperthermia, using probes for RNAs of the 70-kilodalton heat shock protein (hsp70) family, as well as ubiquitin. A synthetic oligonucleotide selective for inducible hsp70 sequences proved to be the most sensitive indicator of the stress response whereas a related rat cDNA detected both induced RNAs and constitutively expressed sequences that were not strongly inducible in brain. Considerable polymorphism of ubiquitin sequences was evident in the outbred mouse and gerbil strains used in these studies when probed with a chicken ubiquitin cDNA. Brief hyperthermic exposure resulted in striking induction of hsp70 and several-fold increases in ubiquitin RNAs in mouse liver and kidney peaking 3 h after return to room temperature. The oligonucleotide selective for hsp70 showed equivalent induction in brain that was more rapid and transient than observed in liver, whereas minimal induction was seen with the ubiquitin and hsp70-related cDNA probes. Transient ischemia resulted in 5- to 10-fold increases in hsp70 sequences in gerbil brain which peaked at 6 h recirculation and remained above control levels at 24 h, whereas a modest 70% increase in ubiquitin sequences was noted at 6 h. These results demonstrate significant temporal and quantitative differences in heat shock RNA expression between brain and other tissues following hyperthermia in vivo, and indicate that hsp70 provides a more sensitive index of the stress response in brain than does ubiquitin after both hyperthermia and ischemia.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)  相似文献   
62.
63.
Studies of the behaviour of 26 (12 males and 14 females) captive infant and juvenile lowland gorillas showed clear sex differences. Females showed greater interest in young infants and were more active in nest building as well as in solitary and social grooming. Males were more active in locomotive, dominance, and aggressive behaviour and in social play. Hand-rearing further increased aggression. Males were more aggressive when they lived with only one partner, and they rose in rank even above older females, a pattern that has not been observed in naturally reared gorillas.  相似文献   
64.
A gene designated "FMR-1" has been isolated at the fragile-X locus. One exon of this gene is carried on a 5.1-kb EcoRI fragment that exhibits length variation in fragile-X patients because of amplification of or insertion into a CGG-repeat sequence. This repeat probably represents the fragile site. The EcoRI fragment also includes an HTF island that is hypermethylated in fragile-X patients showing absence of FMR-1 mRNA. In this paper, we present further evidence that the FMR-1 gene is involved in the clinical manifestation of the fragile-X syndrome and also in the expression of the cellular phenotype. A deletion including the HTF island and exons of the FMR-1 gene was detected in a fragile X-negative mentally retarded male who presented the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. The deletion involves less than 250 kb of genomic DNA, including DXS548 and at least five exons of the FMR-1 gene. These data support the hypothesis that loss of function of the FMR-1 gene leads to the clinical phenotype of the fragile-X syndrome. In the fragile-X syndrome, there are pathogenetic mechanisms other than amplification of the CGG repeat that do have the same phenotypic consequences.  相似文献   
65.
The effect of intracisternal injection of thyrotropin-releasing hormone (TRH) on small intestinal transit of a charcoal bolus was investigated in 14-, 21-, 28- and 35-day-old and adult rats. Intracisternal TRH (15 micrograms in 2 microliters) was administered, and transit (distance traveled by the charcoal) was measured 120 min later. In all age groups, intracisternal TRH increased charcoal transit significantly (P less than 0.05) as compared to saline-treated controls. This increase in transit was not mimicked by intravascular TRH, and it was blocked in all age groups by prior intraperitoneal injection of atropine (2 micrograms/g body weight). Vagotomy blocked TRH-induced increases in small intestine transit in rats of 28 days and older. Prior intraperitoneal injection of the antiserotonin compound, cyproheptadine (1 microgram/g body weight) reduced TRH-induced increases in small intestine transit in all age groups. These results demonstrate that centrally administered TRH stimulates small intestine transit through both cholinergic and serotonergic mechanisms in rats as early as 14 days of age.  相似文献   
66.
1. The effects of hyperthyroidism and hypothyroidism on the concentrations of glutamine and other amino acids in the muscle and plasma and on the rates of glutamine and alanine release from incubated isolated stripped soleus muscle of the rat were investigated. 2. Hyperthyroidism decreased the concentration of glutamine in soleus muscle but was without effect on that in the gastrocnemius muscle or in the plasma. Hyperthyroidism also increased markedly the rate of release of glutamine from the incubated soleus muscle. 3. Hypothyroidism decreased the concentrations of glutamine in the gastrocnemius muscle and plasma but was without effect on that in soleus muscle. Hypothyroidism also decreased markedly the rate of glutamine release from the incubated soleus muscle. 4. Thyroid status was found to have marked effects on the rate of glutamine release by skeletal muscle per se, and may be important in the control of this process in both physiological and pathological conditions.  相似文献   
67.
Abstract: The fibrillogenic properties of Alzheimer's Aβ peptides corresponding to residues 1–40 of the normal human sequence and to two mutant forms containing the replacement Ala21 to Gly or Glu22 to Gln were compared. At pH 7.4 and 37°C the Gln22 peptide was found to aggregate and precipitate from solution faster than the normal Aβ, whereas the Gly21 peptide aggregated much more slowly. Electron microscopy showed that the aggregates all had fibrillar structures. Circular dichroism spectra of these peptides revealed that aggregation of the normal and Gln22 sequences was associated with spectral changes consistent with a transformation from random coil to β sheet, whereas the spectrum of the Gly21 peptide remained almost unchanged during a period in which little or no aggregation occurred. When immobilised by spotting onto nitrocellulose membranes the peptides bound similar amounts of the radioisotope 65Zn2+. Of several competing metal ions, tested at 20× the concentration of Zn2+, Cu2+ displaced >95% of the radioactivity from all three peptides and Ni2+ produced >50% displacement in each case. Some other metal ions tested caused lesser displacement, but Fe2+ and Al3+ were without effect. In a saturation binding assay, a value of 3.2 µM was obtained for the binding of Zn2+ to Aβ but our data provided no evidence for a reported higher affinity site (107 nM). The results suggest that the neuropathology associated with the Gly21 mutation is not due to enhanced fibrillogenic or different metal-binding properties of the peptide and that the binding of zinc to amyloid peptides is not a specific phenomenon.  相似文献   
68.
Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.100 The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.101 Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences.  相似文献   
69.
The reactions of cadmium halides with the 15-membered macrocyclic crown ethers, 15-crown-5 and benzo-15-crown-5, have been carried out and six new complexes have been isolated and structurally characterized. Metal to ligand stoichiometries of 1:1, 2:1, 3:1 and 3:2 have been observed with a variety of different formulations. Examples of charge separated ion pairs ([(NH4)(benzo-15-crown-5)2]2[Cd2I6]), halogen bridged monomers, dimers or polymers ([Cd(15-crown-5)(OHMe)(μ-Br)CdBr3], [Cd(15-crown-5)(μ-Br)2CdBr(μ-Br)]2(isolated from the same reaction mixture) and [(CdCl2)2CdCl2(15-crown-5)]n), and hydrogen bonded finite chains or polymers ([(Cd(OH2)2(15-crown-5)][CdI3(OH2)]2·2(15-crown-5)·2CH3CN and [CdI2(OH2)2(THF)]·benzo-15-crown-5) have been isolated. Three different types of 15-crown-5 coordination modes have been observed in these complexes. In-cavity coordination resulting in pentagonal bipyramidal geometries about Cd2+ was observed in [(CdCl2)2CdCl2(15-crown-5)]n, [Cd(15-crown-5)(OHMe)(μ-Br)CdBr3], and [Cd(OH2)2(15-crown-5)][CdI3(OH2)]2·2(15-crown-5)·2CH3CN, [Cd(15-crown-5)(μ-Br)2CdBr(μ-Br)]2 displays out-of-cavity coordination with one etheric donor distorted into an axial position of a distorted pentagonal bipyramid. The third coordination mode is secondary sphere coordination via hydrogen bonding which is observed for [Cd(OH2)2(15-crown-5)][CdI3(OH2)]2·2(15-crown-5)·2CH3CN. The good fit of Cd2+ within the cavity of 15-crown-5 results in shorter bonding contacts and a more narrow distribution in Cd---O values (2.273(7)-2.344(6) Å) than observed for cadmium halide complexes of 18-crown-6 (Cd---O = 2.69(1)–2.81(1) Å).  相似文献   
70.
Ever since the identification of the genetic cause of fragile X syndrome as the expansion of an unstable trinucleotide sequence, several diagnostic strategies have evolved from molecular studies. However, we still lack a simple test suitable for population screening. We have therefore developed a nonisotopic polymerase chain reaction (PCR)-based technique for the identification of fragile X full mutations among men, with easy visualization of the PCR products on silver-stained polyacrylamide gels. The technique consists of PCR amplification with primers that flank the trinucleotide repeats, with a product of 557 bp for the (CGG)29 allele. Conditions were established such that full mutations failed to amplify and were thus identified with 98% sensitivity compared with Southern blot analysis. To produce an indispensable internal control we added to the reaction a third primer, internal to this fragment, allowing the multiplex amplification of a monomorphic band corresponding to a CG-rich stretch 147 bp upstream of the polymorphic region. In trials involving 41 patients and 74 controls, the PCR-based test here described showed specificity of more than 98.6%, accuracy of 99% and a sensitivity of 98%. Thus, although not suitable for medical diagnosis, it constitutes a useful tool for screening for the fragile X syndrome in populations of mentally retarded males. Received: 31 May 1995 / Revised: 4 October 1995  相似文献   
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