Functional analysis of tryptophans alpha 62 and beta 120 on HLA-DM.

In the endocytic pathway of antigen-presenting cells, HLA-DM catalyzes the exchange between class II-associated invariant chain peptide (CLIP) and antigenic peptides onto major histocompatibility complex class II molecules. At low pH of lysosomal compartments, both HLA-DM and HLA-DR undergo conformational changes, and it was recently postulated that two partially exposed tryptophans on HLA-DM might be involved in the interaction between the two molecules. To define contact regions on HLA-DM, we have conducted site-directed mutagenesis on those two hydrophobic residues. The HLA-DM alphaW62A,betaW120A (DM(W62A/W120A)) double mutant was expressed in HLA-DR(+) HeLa cells expressing invariant chain, and the activity of this DM molecule was assessed. Flow cytometry analysis of cell surface DR-CLIP complexes revealed that DM(W62A/W120A) removes CLIP as efficiently as its wild-type counterpart. DM(W62A/W120A) was found in the endocytic pathway by immunofluorescence, and DM-DR complexes were immunoprecipitated from these cells at pH 5. Finally, mutations alphaW62A and betaW120A on HLA-DM did not affect the association with HLA-DO. The complex egresses the endoplasmic reticulum and accumulates in endocytic vesicles. Moreover, DO and DM(W62A/)W120A were co-immunoprecipitated at pH 7. We conclude that the alpha62 and beta120 tryptophan residues are not required for the activity of DM, nor are they directly implicated in the interaction with DR or DO.     

Prenatal detection of a fetus hemizygous for the fragile X-chromosome

Summary A male fetus of a pregnancy known to be at risk for X-linked mental retardation with fragile site Xq27 was found to be affected by demonstrating the marker X-chromosome in five of 180 (2.8%) of metaphases derived from amniocytes cultured in medium 199. The results were confirmed in fetal lymphocytes (25 of 86 metaphases, i.e. 29%), and fetal fibroblasts (five of 100 metaphases when cultured in medium 199, and 14 of 100 after exposure to methotrexate for 43 h).This work was supported in part by a research grant from the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft     

Fleeting Identities: Perishable Material Culture in Archaeological Research

Fleeting Identities: Perishable Material Culture in Archaeological Research. Penelope Ballard Drooker. ed. Carbondale, 1L: Center for Archaeological Investigations, 2001.410 pp.     

Human and mouse S-protein mRNA detected in Northern blot experiments and evidence for the gene encoding S-protein in mammals by Southern blot analysis

Summary Human S-protein is a serum glycoprotein that binds and inhibits the activated complement complex, mediates coagulation through interaction with antithrombin III and plasminogen activator inhibitor I, and also functions as a cell adhesion protein through interactions with extracellular matrix and cell plasma membranes. A full length cDNA clone for human S-protein was isolated from a lambda gt11 cDNA library of mRNA from the HepG2 hepatocellular carcinoma cell line using mixed oligonucleotide sequences predicted from the amino-terminal amino acid sequence of human S-protein. The cDNA clone in lambda was subcloned into pUC18 for Southern and Northern blot experiments. Hybridization with radiolabeled human S-protein cDNA revealed a single copy gene encoding S-protein in human and mouse genomic DNA. In addition, the S-protein gene was detected in monkey, rat, dog, cow and rabbit genomic DNA. A 1.7 Kb mRNA for S-protein was detected in RNA from human liver and from the PLC/PRF5 human hepatoma cell line. No S-protein mRNA was detected in mRNA from human lung, placenta, or leukocytes or in total RNA from cultured human embryonal rhabdomyosarcoma (RD cell line) or cultured human fibroblasts from embryonic lung (IMR90 cell line) and neonatal foreskin. A 1.6 Kb mRNA for S-protein was detected in mRNA from mouse liver and brain. No S-protein mRNA was detected in mRNA from mouse skeletal muscle, kidney, heart or testis.     

Regulation of product synthesis in cell cultures of Catharanthus roseus (L) G. Don

Cell suspension cultures of the Madagascan Periwinkle Catharanthus roseus (L) G. Don were maintained on Gamborg's B5 medium and their growth monitored by measuring cellular fresh and dry weight, cell number and mitotic activity. Samples of cells of different ages and physiological states were subcultured onto an alkaloid production medium and their rates of growth and alkaloid accumulation measured over a period of 30–45 days. In two experiments the rate of biomass accumulation was directly related to the rate of cellular serpentine accumulation. Possible mechanisms underlying this phenomenon are discussed in relation to the properties of cells comprising the inocula.     

HLA Haplotypes with C4B5; evidence for further allelic heterogeneity

Twenty-three individuals from various disease groups and normal controls were identified by immunofixation with anti-C4, C4-dependent lysis, determination of Rg (Rodgers) and Ch (Chido) phenotypes, and immunoblotting with C4-specific mouse monoclonal antibody. We found that one haplotype predominates with the C4B ^* 5 allele, HLA-A11, B22(55), Cw3, Bf ^* S, C4A ^* 4B ^* 5, which also carries the Ch ^{1,–2, 3} haplotype. The B5 allotype was also found with HLA-1360, HLA-1335 in Caucasoids, and HLA-B18 in non-Caucasoids; these carried the Ch ^{–1, –2, –3} haplotype. Our results are in accord with an earlier report of two B5 subtypes, B5Rg⁺ and B5Rg^– (Roos et al. 1984). The specificity of the mouse monoclonal antibodies IC4 and 21312 had been previously related to C4A and C4B, respectively, but our results suggest that they relate more closely to Rg and Ch determinants.     

Wendell Stanley's dream of a free-standing biochemistry department at the University of California, Berkeley

Conclusion Scientists and historians have often presumed that the divide between biochemistry and molecular biology is fundamentally epistemological.¹⁰⁰ The historiography of molecular biology as promulgated by Max Delbrück's phage disciples similarly emphasizes inherent differences between the archaic tradition of biochemistry and the approach of phage geneticists, the ur molecular biologists. A historical analysis of the development of both disciplines at Berkeley mitigates against accepting predestined differences, and underscores the similarities between the postwar development of biochemistry and the emergence of molecular biology as a university discipline. Stanley's image of postwar biochemistry, with its focus on viruses as key experimental systems, and its preference for following macromolecular structure over metabolism pathways, traced the outline of molecular biology in 1950.Changes in the postwar political economy of research universities enabled the proliferation of disciplines such as microbiology, biochemistry, biophysics, immunology, and molecular biology in universities rather than in medical schools and agricultural colleges. These disciplines were predominantly concerned with investigating life at the subcellular level-research that during the 1930s had often entailed collaboration with physicists and chemists. The interdisciplinary efforts of the 1930s (many fostered by the Rockefeller Foundation) yielded a host of new tools and reagents that were standardized and mass-produced for laboratories after World War II. This commercial infrastructure enabled basic researchers in biochemistry and molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s to become more independent from physics and chemistry (although they were practicing a physicochemical biology), as well as from the agricultural and medical schools that had previously housed or sponsored such research. In turn, the disciplines increasingly required their practitioners to have specialized graduate training, rather than admitting interlopers from the physical sciences.These general transitions toward greater autonomy for biochemistry and allied disciplines should not mask the important particularities of these developments on each campus. At the University of Caliornia at Berkeley, agriculture had provided, with medicine, significant sponsorship for biochemistry. The proximity of Lawrence and his cyclotrons supported the early development of Berkeley as a center for the biological uses of radioisotopes, particularly in studies of metabolism and photosynthesis. Stanley arrived to establish his department and virus institute before large-scale federal funding of biomedical research was in place, and he courted the state of California for substantial backing by promising both national prominence in the life sciences and virus research pertinent to agriculture and public health. Stanley's venture benefited significantly from the expansion of California's economy after World War II, and his mobilization against viral diseases resonated with the concerns of the Cold War, which fueled the state's rapid growth. The scientific prominence of contemporary developments at Caltech and Stanford invites the historical examination of the significance of postwar biochemistry and molecular biology within the political and cultural economy of the Golden State.In 1950, Stanley presented a persuasive picture of the power of biochemistry to refurbish life science at Berkeley while answering fundamental questions about life and infection. In the words of one Rockefeller Foundation officer,There seems little doubt in [my] mind that as a personality Stanley will be well able to dominate the other personalities on the Berkeley campus and will be able to drive his dream through to completion, which, incidentally, leaves Dr. Hubert [sic] Evans and the whole ineffective Life Sciences building in the somewhat peculiar position of being by-passed by much of the truly modern biochemistry and biophysics research that will be carried out at Berkeley. Furthermore, it seems likely that Dr. S's show will throw Dr. John Lawrence's Biophysics Department strongly in the shade both figuratively and literally, but should make the University of California pre-eminent not only in physics but in biochemistry as well.¹⁰¹ Stanley, Sproul, Weaver, and this officer (William Loomis) all testified to a perceptible postwar opportunity to capitalize on public support for biological research that relied on the technologies from physics and chemistry without being captive to them, and that addressed issues of medicine and agriculture without being institutionally subservient. What is striking, given the expectation by many that Stanley would be able to drive his dream through to completion, was that in fact he did not. Biochemists who had succeeded in making their expertise valued in specialized niches were resistant to giving up their affiliations to joint Stanley's liberated organization. Stanley's failure was not simply due to institutional factors: researchers as well as Rockefeller Foundation officers faulted him for his lack of scientific imagination, which made it difficult for him to gain credibility in leading the field. Moreover, many biochemists did not share Stanley's commitment to viruses as the key material for the new biochemistry.In the end, Stanley's free-standing department did become a first-rate department of biochemistry, but only after freeing itself from Stanley's leadership and his single-minded devotion to viruses. Nonetheless, the falling-out with the Berkeley biochemists was rapidly followed by the establishment of a Department of Molecular Biology, attesting to the unabating economic and institutional possibilities for an authoritative general biology (or two, for that matter) to take hold. In each case, following Stanley's dream sheds light on how the possible and the real shaped the (re)formation of biochemistry and molecular biology as postwar life sciences.