Assessment of Trading Partners for China's Rare Earth Exports Using a Decision Analytic Approach

Chinese rare earth export policies currently result in accelerating its depletion. Thus adopting an optimal export trade selection strategy is crucial to determining and ultimately identifying the ideal trading partners. This paper introduces a multi-attribute decision-making methodology which is then used to select the optimal trading partner. In the method, an evaluation criteria system is established to assess the seven top trading partners based on three dimensions: political relationships, economic benefits and industrial security. Specifically, a simple additive weighing model derived from an additive utility function is utilized to calculate, rank and select alternatives. Results show that Japan would be the optimal trading partner for Chinese rare earths. The criteria evaluation method of trading partners for China''s rare earth exports provides the Chinese government with a tool to enhance rare earth industrial policies.     

《生命科学前沿》课程思政的教学改革与实践

“课程思政”融入研究生课程体系具有重要意义, “大思政”格局下的课程改革不断推进。《生命科学前沿》是湖南师范大学生物学科的研究生必修课程,致力于普及学科发展前沿。其思政元素较为丰富,是开展课程思政的优秀载体。在分析了目前课程思政教学现状和存在问题的基础上,通过树立思政理念,提升教师开展课程思政的能动性;开展课程思政教学设计,注重课程前沿性和思政元素的有机融合。采用嵌入式课程思政的教学路径,提高课程思政教学效果等具体举措进行改革实践,实现学科前沿知识普及和价值引领相结合。实践证明,将思政内容引入专业课,可以提高学生学习主动性,引导学生树立正确的价值观,实现专业课协同育人的效果。课程思政重在建设,课程内容设计是先决条件,教师是关键,课程管理是基本保障,对课程思政教学改革实践进行反思,以期为相关生物学专业课程思政教学提供参考。     

Traders,Kinsmen and Trading Counterparts: The Rise of Local Politicians in North‐western Thailand1

This paper focuses on local traders and their political activities and networks in north‐western Thailand. Most town residents are engaged in trade, full‐time and part‐time. A few well‐off traders have become involved in local politics. However, getting political support, especially the votes, is no easy task. The paper attempts to demonstrate that local traders acquire support through the co‐operation of their bilateral kinsmen, trading counterparts, peers and neighbours. They form a complex network that overlaps with temple organisations and business relationships. As a result, such networks often successfully draw in political support from many townspeople, ranging from regular customers to temple‐goers and elderly religious devotees.     

Culture,Conflict, and Translocal Communication: Mobile Technology and Politics in Rural West Bengal,India

As media reports of political movements from various locations have shown, mobile technology can be a powerful political instrument. This paper examines how political activists in West Bengal, India use mobile phones for their daily political work. I seek ways to recognize the disruptive and political potential of mobile technology without ignoring its social and cultural rootedness. I illustrate how riots and protests relate to the increase in translocal communication enabled by phones. I also demonstrate how the political use of mobile technology for extra ordinary events is grounded in the social and political processes of ordinary everyday life and draws from the local understanding of politics by emphasizing certain aspects of it. My article confirms the cultural continuity amidst the increase in translocal relationships but it also pinpoints how cultures harbour conflicts and alternative discourses which translocal communication helps to amplify.     

“Whoever decides for you without you,s/he is against you!”: immigrant activism and the role of the Left in political racialization

Much of the migration literature neglects the questions of why and how “native” allies obstruct activism by immigrants and ethnic minorities. Left-wing organizations in particular are often assumed to be supportive of inclusion, and little research exists on the ways they have prevented the migrant population from having a voice in the political arena and from taking part in society as equals. Drawing on the critical theory literature, I introduce the concept of political racialization. This concept refers to mechanisms whereby political actors, in order to legitimize their work on immigration, have partially included immigrants in the political sphere, but in a relationship of “ethnic” or “racial” subordination. Through the analysis of 57 in-depth interviews with immigrant activists, I show how political racialization works within the Italian Left and how it contributes to marginalize the migrant population. I further explain how immigrant activists have challenged political racialization through their activism.     

Governing stem cell research in California and the USA: towards a social infrastructure

Owing to the restrictive human embryonic stem cell (hESC) policies of the US government, the question of whether to pursue human embryonic stem cell experiments has dominated the ethical and political discourse concerning such research. Explicit attention must now turn to problems of implementing the research on a large scale: in the 2004 US elections, California voters approved a state initiative for stem cell research, earmarking $3 billion in direct spending over 10 years. This article explores three ethical and political problem areas emerging out of the California program, the resolution of which will help set the trajectory of hESC research in the US and abroad, and then proposes an institutional approach to help address them: a network of public stem cell banks in the US that feature transparent and shared governance.     

Physical strength predicts political violence

Research has revealed an association between individual physical strength and attitudinal support for modern war. Physical strength of one individual has an infinitesimal effect on the outcomes of state-level aggression involving large-scale armies and complex military technology. The fact that stronger individuals do support such aggression hints at an evolved psychology specialized for small-scale coalitional aggression, where strength of coalition members non-negligibly contribute to the net coalition strength. Here, I examined whether strength also accounts for participation in modern political aggression, as contrasted to mere support. Given that contemporary political aggression primarily occurs within—not between—states, I focused on intra-state forms of political violence, specifically violent antigovernment protests. To enhance external and ecological validity, I relied on large probability samples from both non-WEIRD and WEIRD countries experiencing political violence (N = 6283; interviewees were quota-sampled from YouGov online panels to generate representative samples of online adult populations). Multinational analyses revealed that self-perceived strength significantly predicts intentions to participate in political violence and self-reported participation, and that this association is stronger among young interviewees, but not among men (compared to women). The predictive power of strength was modest but comparable to that of gender, an established predictor of aggression. I discuss why the fact that strength—a physiological variable—relates to political violence—a complex modern phenomenon—is remarkable. Subsequently, I suggest a new research agenda that draws on insights from evolutionary research to study modern political violence.     

Child Soldiers, International Humanitarian Law, and the Globalization of Childhood

This article reviews the development of the laws and treaties regulating the use of child soldiers and the political, social, and cultural context in which these developments are grounded. Humanitarian and human rights groups have undertaken a major initiative to end the use of young combatants. These efforts are part of a larger children's human rights project designed to create a universal definition of "childhood." Casting the proposed ban on child soldiers in the language of human rights deflects attention from the enormity of the social and cultural changes involved in the proposed transnational restructuring of age categories. Treaty-making efforts reflect an emerging "politics of age" that shapes the concept of "childhood" in international law, and in which different international, regional, and local actors make use of age categories to advance particular political and ideological positions.     

A Glimpse into the Demography of the Ainu

Seven unpublished household censuses of Ainu populations on Hokkaido and Sakhalin between 1803 and 1853 are analyzed to show evidence of population decline well before the Meiji period. These populations show substantial diversity in household composition and community size, and complex household organization is pervasive, suggesting elaborate patron-client relationships not obviously based on kinship. Ecological differences may underlie this diversity and complexity, with Japanese influence and inclusion in long distance trading networks a strong possibility as a basic cause. There is a suggestion of organizational adaptations to distant economic and political influences, analogous to those observed on the Northwest Coast of North America under the influence of the fur trade.     

When the state is (n)ever present: on cynicism and political mobilization in Lebanon

This article looks at the way cynical reasoning consumes political action in Lebanon. Through ethnographic observations with political activists and former militia fighters, specifically during the final days of the 2009 Lebanese parliamentary elections, I show how cynicism is present in political mobilization. I argue that political mobilization moves between modes of cynicism and resistance, calling on us to see these two postures as discursively related. This work has broader implications for understanding political reactions and mobilizations in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab revolts.     

Settlement Hierarchies and Political Complexity in Nonmarket Societies: The Formative Period of the Valley of Mexico

Archaeologists have long recognized that increases in political centralization often coincide with the growth of regional settlement hierarchies. Here I develop a theoretical model which explicitly relates certain aspects of political complexity to variation in settlement size. This model applies specifically to hierarchical societies without well-developed market economies—societies which Service would classify as chiefdoms and (perhaps) simple states. Using settlement data from the Formative Period Valley of Mexico, I show how this model is useful in measuring (1) the number of levels in a regional hierarchy, (2) the degree of political centralization, and (3) the relative amount of surplus food mobilized to support the political establishment.     

Of Shrimps and Spirit Possession:Toward a Political Ecology of Resource Management in Northern Madagascar

I present a case of ntual innovation and spirit possession in northern Madagascar that builds on Rappaport's interests in the systemic nature of human-environmental interactions, the relationship between the various levels of political scale, and the interaction between meaning and material relations. I go beyond his formulations in questioning concepts of homeostasis and dynamic equilibrium, and instead propose to understand perturbations as inherent in a system and a source of systemic transformation. In this analysis, I place ecological relations and ritual within an explicitly political framework and examine the processes of social and material change. In drawing on the concept of cognized models, I also illustrate how historical memory and ritual enactments provide ideological frameworks for negotiating control over the use and management of the environment, [ecosystem, political ecology. Madagascar, spirit possession, ritual]     

The Threat of the Yrmo: The Political Ontology of a Sustainable Hunting Program

ABSTRACT  Various misunderstandings and conflicts associated with attempts to integrate Indigenous Knowledges (IK) into development and conservation agendas have been analyzed from both political economy and political ecology frameworks. With their own particular inflections, and in addition to their focus on issues of power, both frameworks tend to see what occurs in these settings as involving different epistemologies, meaning that misunderstandings and conflicts occur between different and complexly interested perspectives on, or ways of knowing, the world. Analyzing the conflicts surrounding the creation of a hunting program that enrolled the participation of the Yshiro people of Paraguay, in this article I develop a different kind of analysis, one inspired by an emerging framework that I tentatively call "political ontology." I argue that, from this perspective, these kinds of conflicts emerge as being about the continuous enactment, stabilization, and protection of different and asymmetrically connected ontologies. [Keywords: political ontology, multinaturalism, multiculturalism, Paraguay, Indigenous peoples]     

The politics of immigration locally: alliances between political parties and immigrant organizations

Alliances are a political opportunity that reinforce the claims made by different players in the political sphere. However, the literature on the political participation of immigrants pays little attention to the formation of alliances and their effects on the interaction between immigrants and institutional actors, especially under circumstances of politicization. This article aims to explain the emergence of alliances between political parties and immigrant organizations when immigration is politicized locally. I argue that the need to legitimize the political parties’ position on the politicization guide their alliances with immigrants. Using qualitative methods, I analyse the emergence of alliances in the anti-Romanian-Roma campaign in Badalona and the burka ban in Lleida, both in Catalonia, Spain. The findings portray these relationships as the outcome of strategic interactions that respond to the balance of power between institutional and non-institutional actors.     

Canvases of Political Competition: Image Production as Politics in Tamil Nadu,India

In this article, I explore the production of political images in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The state is known for the ubiquitous presence of banners, murals and posters in its public spaces, featuring prominent politicians and actors. It is commonly argued that these images help to convey the heroic or exclusive status of political leaders. However, such images are actually produced by party workers and therefore do not simply transpose status and image. Instead, political supporters praise their leader via these images and act as ‘kingmakers’ in constructing reputation and power. Simultaneously, by putting political images on display, supporters also authorise their own power. While praise is important in showing a person's dedication to a political party, the images, in the motivations of their producers, are suffused with ambivalence and competition as well. Hence, I argue, political image practices are not representative of politics, they are politics.     

Vocational training for general practice in inner London. Is there a dearth? And if so what's to be done?

OBJECTIVE--To identify the nature and extent of any vocational training deficit within the London initiative zone and investigate the reasons. DESIGN--Collation of statistics and postal questionnaire surveys. SETTING--Thames regions inside and outside the London initiative zone. SUBJECTS--General practice registrars, trainers, principals from non-training practices, and vocational training course organisers. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES--Trends in numbers of general practice registrars, proportions of trainers, views on current vocational training in inner London. RESULTS--Numbers of general practice registrars fell significantly between 1988 and 1993 within the London initiative zone and in England overall. The number of registrars within the zone fell by more than in the rest of the Thames regions, where the decline was not statistically significant. A lower proportion of principals were approved as trainers within the zone than in the rest of the Thames regions and England overall. In their responses to the survey (88% of inner London registrars responded and 81% of outer Thames registrars) registrars suggested that improving remuneration and personal safety would make training in London more attractive. Trainers and non-trainers (response rates 89% and 66% respectively) also suggested increasing remuneration for trainers together with more protected time for training. CONCLUSIONS--Less vocational training takes place within the London initiative zone than in the rest of the Thames regions and England overall, although there are discrepancies in official statistics. As well as specific recommendations for improving recruitment to vocational training in inner London, measures to tackle inner city deprivation should also remain high on the political agenda.     

Does French Islam Have Borders? Dilemmas of Domestication in a Global Religious Field

Although many accounts of transnational religious movements emphasize mobility and communication, equally important are efforts by both political actors and religious leaders to carve out distinctive national forms of religion. In this article I examine dilemmas faced by Muslims in France who seek both to remain part of the global Muslimcommunity and to satisfy French demands for conformity to political and cultural norms. I consider the history of immigration and the importance of French notions of laïcité but emphasize the structural problem of articulating a global religious field onto a self-consciously bounded French nation-state. I then draw on recent fieldwork in Paris to analyze two recent public events in which attempts by Muslim public intellectuals to develop an "Islam of France" are frustrated by internal, structural tensions concerning religious authority and political legitimacy, and not simply by a conflict between "Muslims" and "France."     

Pesticide Use in Commercial Potato Production: Reflections on Research and Intervention Efforts towards Greater Ecosystems Health in Northern Ecuador

Since 1990, an interdisciplinary and interinstitutional team of scientists has led a research-intervention initiative examining pesticide impacts on agricultural production, human health, and the environment in the highly commercial potato growing province of Carchi, Ecuador. This article synthesizes the key results of that initiative, analyzes the lessons concerning the process of transdisciplinary ecosystems health research from a methodological perspective, and identifies priority future research opportunities. Research on this initiative has covered a broad range of activities with a full spectrum of rural stakeholders. These have included: health studies of the incidence of pesticide poisonings and the neurological impacts of pesticide exposure on farmers and their families; environmental and personal exposure studies; economic studies on the role of pesticides in agricultural production; sociological studies of farmers attitudes, knowledge, and practices related to pesticide use; and participatory interventions to reduce pesticide-related impacts. Research results have shown that pesticide poisoning incidence in the potato growing zones of Carchi, Ecuador match the highest reported rates in the world. A majority of farm household members suffer significant neurological impairment. Economic and participatory research has shown that there are viable alternatives to the use of Class 1 highly toxic pesticides in the zone. Nevertheless, cultural and political factors are impeding substantial changes in current practices. Future research-intervention activities include longitudinal analyses of the health, environmental, and production impacts of participatory interventions, and a scaling up of analyses to encompass other regions in the Andean mountain ecosystem with more limited indicators of key constructs.     

How Do Real Indians Fish? Neoliberal Multiculturalism and Contested Indigeneities in the Colorado Delta

ABSTRACT   There has been a growing interest in anthropology regarding how certain political conditions set the stage for "articulations" between indigenous movements and environmental actors and discourses. However, relatively little attention has been paid to how these same conditions can suppress demands for indigenous rights. In this article, I argue that the pairing of neoliberalism and multiculturalism in contemporary Mexico has created political fields in which ethnic difference has been foregrounded as a way of denying certain rights to marginalized groups. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in northern Mexico, I analyze how the arguments of a group of Cucapá for fishing rights in the Colorado Delta have been constrained within these political circumstances. I argue that cultural difference has been leveraged by the Mexican federal government and local NGOs to prevent the redistribution of environmental resources among vulnerable groups such as the Cucapá.     

Public Reason and the Limits of Liberal Anti-Racism in Latvia

My paper is a critical analysis of anti-racist and tolerance promotion initiatives in Latvia. First, I trace the historical and geopolitical conditions that enable the emergence of two discursive positions that are central to arguments about racism – that of liberally inclined tolerance activists and that of Latvians with politically objectionable nationalist sensibilities. Subsequently, I argue that, plagued by developmentalist thinking, anti-racist and tolerance promotion initiatives fail in their analysis of contemporary racism. They posit backward attitudes as the main hindrance to the eradication of racism and displace racism as a constitutive feature of modern political forms onto individual and collective sensibilities. Instead of the fast track diagnosis of racism that animates liberal anti-racism, I suggest that an analysis of racism should integrate attention to the common elements of modern racism across political regimes and the historical particularities that shape public and political subjectivities in concrete places.