Interhousehold Meat Sharing among Mayangna and Miskito Horticulturalists in Nicaragua

Recent analyses of food sharing in small-scale societies indicate that reciprocal altruism maintains interhousehold food transfers, even among close kin. In this study, matrix-based regression methods are used to test the explanatory power of reciprocal altruism, kin selection, and tolerated scrounging. In a network of 35 households in Nicaragua’s Bosawas Reserve, the significant predictors of food sharing include kinship, interhousehold distance, and reciprocity. In particular, resources tend to flow from households with relatively more meat to closely related households with little, as predicted by kin selection. This generalization is especially true of household dyads with mother-offspring relationships, which suggests that studies of food sharing may benefit from distinctions between lineal and collateral kin. Overall, this analysis suggests that exchanges among kin are primarily associated with differences in need, not reciprocity. Finally, although large game is distributed widely, qualitative observations indicate that hunters typically do not relinquish control of the distribution in ways predicted by costly signaling theory.     

Class,culture, and the Miskito Indians: A historical perspective

Conclusion In this paper I have endeavored to outline a dialectical analysis of the Miskito Indian historical experience of the last 350 years. This history has been divided into three periods, in each of which class processes have been integrally tied to particular ethnic configurations. In the first, pre-contact period, a series of autonomous egalitarian hunting, gathering and horticultural groups, linked in a network of mutual trading and raiding, inhabited the various river basins of the coastal region. In the second period, beginning roughly in the early 17th century, integration as a periphery in the British mercantile empire engendered a political economic transformation in which local headmen emerged as focal points in the articulation of coastal production with British exchange networks. The new level of power over the allocation of social surpluses assumed by these headmen was validated through the symbolic framework of British monarchy. This also served the geopolitical interests of the British. The rise of this incipient tributary mode of production was a central force in the emergence of the Miskito as a new ethnic entity.The decline of mercantilism and the rise of the second phase of the Industrial Revolution saw a shift in British interests in the periphery from commodities to sources of labor and loci for investment. This brought about a second transformation in which the incipient tributary kingship was undermined both from within, by the demise of the slave trade, and from without, by increasing foreign contact coupled with population expansion and the large-scale introduction of wage labor. The Miskito were now integrated fairly uniformly as an underclass in the new coastal class hierarchy. However, wage labor took its place beside kin-ordered production and exchange in a dualistic system, which alternated with continual booms and busts in the local economy. Ethnic groupings now both defined, and were rooted in, class differentiation.As we have seen, due to its theoretically fragmented and inconsistent nature, our received anthropological history of the Miskito also serves us poorly, if we want to develop a critical understanding of the Atlantic coast of Nicaragua and its dilemmas within the revolution. Focusing on the intersection of class and ethnic processes through history gives us a more coherent and analytically convincing picture. It provides us, as well, with a basis for a deeper understanding of the roots of the Miskito/Sandinista conflict. While politics conceived in terms of class or in terms of ethnicity have given rise to ostensibly different social agendas, it is clear that historically the two have never been separate aspects of existence. Miskito culture is an historical creation — evolved in response to the ongoing pressures of integration into a world political economy whose center lay in Europe or the United States and expressive of the class processes set off by these encounters.Yet it is more than just an expression of these processes, for the way in which the Miskito defined and articulated themselves as a cultural unit played a central role in the shaping of those processes themselves. Thus, a Marxist analysis that downplays the importance of ethnic identity in favor of class identity will miss fundamental aspects of what it is to be Miskito, culturally and politically, as well as economically. By the same token, ethnic movements that eschew class analysis in favor of a strictly cultural interpretation will fall into a similar trap, becoming perhaps more vulnerable to acting in ways that go against their own interests. Whatever the outcome of this particular situation, given the size and importance of the indigenous peoples through the Americas, the left's ability to deal with culture as a basis of resistance will have a deep impact on the course of progressive social change throughout the region.Daniel Noveck received his BA degree in anthropology, from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst.     

Hunting as a Source of Local and Traditional Ecological Knowledge among Campesinos in Nicaragua

Campesinos are the most numerous hunters in Latin America. Yet, local and traditional knowledge (LTK) among campesinos about hunting is often invisible to conservationists who perceive them as nonindigenous or illegal hunters. Moreover, research and methods for accessing campesino hunting LTK are limited in theory and practice. Conservationists therefore know little about campesinos’ cultural understandings of hunting. We assessed the LTK of Nicaraguan campesinos to determine whether they shared cultural hunting knowledge. Through 11 months of ethnographic fieldwork, an ethnoecology framework, and cultural consensus analysis, we found that campesino hunting LTK was shared across the study community. This knowledge extended from a worldview that emphasized subsistence and hunting secrets to ensure bountiful harvests, expressed through folk taxonomies, hunting strategies, campesino-dog relationships, and preparation of hunted animals. Campesino hunting LTK emerged from campesino culture, yielding numerous implications for conservation in Latin America.

     

Domestication process of two Solanum section lasiocarpa species among Amerindians in the upper orinoco, venezuela, with special focus on Piaroa Indians

Two semi-cultivated Solanum species (S. Sessilifloram Dunal and S. stramonifolium Jacq.) are utilized by the Amazonian Indians of the Upper Orinoco Basin in Venezuela. The manner in which they have become partially domesticated by the Piaroas and other native tribes of this rain forest region is elucidated in the following text. Both species have two varieties, with and without prickles, the latter being the result of human selection. Patterns of indigenous utilization of these species brought to the selection of morphologic forms and to the differentiation of karyotypes of varieties, and exploitation of the species also reflects in the perception of them among users. S. sessiliflorum is cultivated in swiddens and has an economic role, whereas S. stramonifolium is grown in dooryards. This difference is detectable to the Piaroas, as they recognize in their folk taxonomy three different varieties ofS. Sessiliflorum and one ofS. Stramonifolium, according to the stage of domestication of the species and the way in which they are utilized.     

Herbal medicine among the miskito of Eastern Nicaragua

Medicinal plants identified by Miskito informants in Awastara, Nicaragua, were collected in the field. They are listed and botanically identified in this paper. Particularly interesting among the collection of 23 plant species are those used to cure snakebite and athlete’s foot, as observed in the field.     

Ethnohistory, intertribal relationships, and genetic diversity among Amazonian Indians

The influence of recent ethnohistorical factors on the microevolution of South American Indians has not been adequately evaluated by population geneticists. This makes difficult a reasonable interpretation of the present genetic structure of these groups. In this article the genetic diversity of 18 tribes of the Amazon and neighboring areas belonging to 3 linguistic groups (Tupi, Carib, and Gê) is analyzed in light of documentary sources about historical events, such as demographic changes, geographic movements, intertribal relationships, and marriage practices, that have taken place since the end of the eighteenth century. The high depopulation rate suffered by the Tupi groups (61.4% on average) is a probable factor conditioning the large intergroup genetic distances in this linguistic stock, for depopulation is a phenomenon associated with random genetic drift caused by a bottleneck effect. On the other hand, the relatively high similarity of the Gê and the Carib shows an association with two main factors: (1) reduced spatial dispersion of the Gê in the recent past, providing adequate conditions for within-stock gene flow, and (2) strong tradition of intergroup contacts among the Carib, frequently followed by genetic admixture and even fusion of groups, as verified for the Wayana and the Aparaí. The patterns of biologic variation of some Tupi tribes (Wai?pi, Emerillon, Parakan?, and Assurini) are better explained by historical and regional contingencies than by linguistic classification.     

Postmarital residence and within-sex genetic diversity among the Urubu-Ka'apor Indians, Brazilian Amazon

The analysis of biologic variation in prehistoric human populations separately by sex has been used as a tool to recover post-marital residential rules. These studies, which focus on the sexual distribution of skeletal traits, assume that the degree of intragroup or intergroup biologic diversity is higher in one sex with regard to unilocality (uxori- or virilocality). Despite a recent attempt to interpret this phenomenon in terms of population genetics (Konigsberg 1988), the main assumption has never been tested in situations in which the real residential practice of an indigenous population is known and in which genetic rather than phenotypic data are available. We investigated the within-group and between-group genetic variability among males and females from 4 villages of an uxorilocal Amazonian tribe, the Urubu-Ka'apor, on the basis of 20 polymorphic loci. The results were only partly concordant with the expected. Individual mean per locus heterozygosities were not different between the sexes, and the analysis of genetic heterogeneity showed similar gene frequencies for males and females in all villages. On the other hand, the intergroup approach detected a level of variation significantly greater among females than among males. The ethnographic evidence shows that three of the four subgroups studied belong to the same gamic unity, with the fourth subgroup belonging to another gamic network. Within-sex differences in intergroup analysis turned out to be more evident; yet, when those 3 villages were investigated separately, the female FST (0.0609) proved to be significantly higher than the male FST (0.0218). Such results suggest that the intergroup analysis is more sensitive to the genetic effects of differential migration rates between the sexes. In prehistoric contexts, therefore, an intergroup genetic approach can provide more reliable grounds for sociocultural inferences.     

Subsistence hunting among the Waimiri Atroari Indians in central Amazonia, Brazil

Subsistence hunting among the Waimiri Atroari Indians in central Amazonia, Brazil, was studied from September 1993 to October 1994 to assess the current levels of resource exploitation. Hunting effort, harvesting yields and species composition of the hunt were recorded daily in five villages varying in number of people, location and age of the settlement. The Waimiri Atroari harvested a total of 3004 individuals of 41 species in one year. Lowland tapir (Tapirus terrestris), white-lipped peccary (Tayassu pecari), collared peccary (T. tajacu) and spider monkey (Ateles paniscus) represented 87% of the total yearly game weight. Sex ratios of spider monkeys killed were heavily biased towards females indicating a stronger hunting pressure on those individuals. Harvesting yields was proportional to hunting efforts indicating no evident game depletion in the study period. However, capture per unit of effort was significantly different among villages. Differences in total game mass harvested may be explained by local resource depletion associated with age and size of the settlement. However, this relationship is confounded by the capacity of some villages to exploit distant hunting sites. Data obtained in one village showed that harvest rates were higher in hunting sites located far from settlement indicating game depletion in hunting sites surrounding the village.     

The effect of income on the extraction of non-timber tropical forest products: Model,hypotheses, and preliminary findings from the Sumu Indians of Nicaragua

We use microeconomic theory to frame hypotheses about the effects of income on the use of non-timber rain forest products. We hypothesize that an increase in income: (a) encourages foraging specialization, resulting in the extraction of fewer goods; (b) increases the share of household income from occupations besides foraging; (c) produces a yearly value from the extraction of nontimber forest goods of about $50 per hectare; and (d) produces depletion of forest goods entering commercial channels and sustainable extraction of goods facing cheaper industrial substitutes. To examine these hypotheses we present worldwide ethnographic information and preliminary findings from field work carried out among the Sumu Indians of Nicaragua. Field work suggests that higher income produces: (a) foraging specialization with animals rather than with plants; (b) a decline in the economic importance of forest goods in household income; (c) and a rise in the value of non-timber goods removed from the forest to about $35/ha/year. We did not have time to test hypothesis d.