Clovis in context: New light on the peopling of the Americas

Until recently, the first Americans were thought to be fluted-point spear-hunters from the Siberian steppes. Near the end of the Ice Age, they followed big-game herds over the Bering land bridge into the open, upland habitats of the interior of North America about 12,000 years ago. Rapidly extinguishing the big game herds with their deadly hunting methods, they pressed southward in search of new herds and reached the tip of South America about a thousand years later. Today, nearly 70 years after the first excavations at Clovis, New Mexico, the type site for this culture, new sites and new dates from both North and South America are forcing a revision of the earlier picture of the migrations and adaptations of the first Americans. But despite recurring claims that human colonization of the Western Hemisphere began as early as 20,000 or more years ago with the arrival of generalized foragers lacking a projectile-point tradition, no definitive data gives empirical support for a human presence before c. 12,000 before the present (B.P.). All supposed pre-Clovis cultures except one in Alaska have failed to withstand careful scrutiny of their data. In addition, despite recent claims for cultural and biological links of the migrants to Europe or the Pacific Islands, the skeletons and cultural assemblages of Paleoindians throughout the hemisphere point consistently to a northeast Asian origin. According to new data, Paleoindian ancestors in Beringia c. 12,000 years ago were not specialized, fluted-point hunters of large game, but broad-spectrum hunter-gatherers using triangular or bipointed, lanceolates. Diverse cultures descended from these ancestors, not only the big-game hunting Clovis culture of the North American high plains. And just as Clovis did not set the cultural pattern for the hemisphere, it was not the earliest culture. Fully contemporary with the earliest possible Clovis dates of c. 11,200, in South America there already were maritime foragers on the Pacific coast, small-game hunters in the southern pampas, and tropical forest riverine foragers in the eastern tropical lowlands. The Clovis culture thus was just one of several regional cultures developed in the millennium after the initial migration. It could not have been the ancestor of the other early Paleoindian cultures. This new picture of Paleoindian cultures changes understanding of initial human adaptive radiation in the Americas and has implications for general theories of human evolution and behavioral ecology.     

Why we're still arguing about the Pleistocene occupation of the Americas

Although empirical issues surround the when, how, and who questions of New World colonization, much of current debate hinges on theoretical problems because it has become clear that our understanding of New World colonization is not resolute. 1 In fact, the central issues of debate have remained essentially unchanged for the last eighty years. The now classic and probably incorrect story of New World colonization begins in Late Pleistocene Siberia, with small a population of foragers migrating across Beringia (～13,500 calendar years before present (CYBP) (Box 1) through an ice‐free corridor and traveling through the interior of North America. High mobility and rapid population growth spurred southward expansion into increasingly distant unoccupied regions, culminating in the settlement of the Southern Cone of South America. Armed with the skills and weapons needed to maintain a megafauna‐based subsistence strategy, early colonists necessarily had the adaptive flexibility to colonize a diverse array of Pleistocene landscapes. For a time, this scenario seemed well substantiated. The earliest sites in South America were younger than their northern counterparts, fluted artifacts were found across the Americas within a brief temporal window, and projectile points capable of wounding elephant‐sized prey were commonly found in association with proboscidean remains. The Bering Land Bridge connecting Asia to Alaska and an ice‐free corridor providing passage between the Pleistocene ice masses of Canada seemed to provide a clear route of entry for Clovis colonists. However, recent archeological, paleoenvironmental, biological, and theoretical work largely questions the plausibility of these events.     

Human land uses reduce climate connectivity across North America

Climate connectivity, the ability of a landscape to promote or hinder the movement of organisms in response to a changing climate, is contingent on multiple factors including the distance organisms need to move to track suitable climate over time (i.e. climate velocity) and the resistance they experience along such routes. An additional consideration which has received less attention is that human land uses increase resistance to movement or alter movement routes and thus influence climate connectivity. Here we evaluate the influence of human land uses on climate connectivity across North America by comparing two climate connectivity scenarios, one considering climate change in isolation and the other considering climate change and human land uses. In doing so, we introduce a novel metric of climate connectivity, ‘human exposure’, that quantifies the cumulative exposure to human activities that organisms may encounter as they shift their ranges in response to climate change. We also delineate potential movement routes and evaluate whether the protected area network supports movement corridors better than non‐protected lands. We found that when incorporating human land uses, climate connectivity decreased; climate velocity increased on average by 0.3 km/year and cumulative climatic resistance increased for ~83% of the continent. Moreover, ~96% of movement routes in North America must contend with human land uses to some degree. In the scenario that evaluated climate change in isolation, we found that protected areas do not support climate corridors at a higher rate than non‐protected lands across North America. However, variability is evident, as many ecoregions contain protected areas that exhibit both more and less representation of climate corridors compared to non‐protected lands. Overall, our study indicates that previous evaluations of climate connectivity underestimate climate change exposure because they do not account for human impacts.     

Rapid deployment of the five founding Amerind mtDNA haplogroups via coastal and riverine colonization

Numerous studies of variation in mtDNA in Amerindian populations established that four haplogroups are present throughout both North and South America. These four haplogroups (A, B, C, and D) and perhaps a fifth (X) in North America are postulated to be present in the initial founding migration to the Americas. Furthermore, studies of ancient mtDNA in North America suggested long-term regional continuity of the frequencies of these founding haplogroups. Present-day tribal groups possess high frequencies of private mtDNA haplotypes (variants within the major haplogroups), consistent with early establishment of local isolation of regional populations. Clearly these patterns have implications for the mode of colonization of the hemisphere. Recently, the earlier consensus among archaeologists for an initial colonization by Clovis hunters arriving through an ice-free corridor and expanding in a "blitzkrieg " wave was shown to be inconsistent with extensive genetic variability in Native Americans; a coastal migration route avoids this problem. The present paper demonstrates through a computer simulation model how colonization along coasts and rivers could have rapidly spread the founding lineages widely through North America.     

Introduction: Social Complexity and the Bow in the Prehistoric North American Record

This Special Issue of Evolutionary Anthropology grew out of a symposium at the 2012 Society for American Archaeology (SAA) meeting in Memphis, Tennessee (April 18–22). The goal of the symposium was to explore what we will argue is one of the most important and promising opportunities in the global archeological enterprise. In late prehistoric North America, the initial rise of cultures of strikingly enhanced complexity and the local introduction of a novel weapon technology, the bow, apparently correlate intimately in a diverse set of independent cases across the continent, as originally pointed out by Blitz. 1 If this empirical relationship ultimately proves robust, it gives us an unprecedented opportunity to evaluate hypotheses for the causal processes producing social complexity and, by extension, to assess the possibility of a universal theory of history. The rise of comparably complex cultures was much more recent in North America than it was elsewhere and the resulting fresher archeological record is relatively well explored. These and other features make prehistoric North America a unique empirical environment. Together, the symposium and this issue have brought together outstanding investigators with both empirical and theoretical expertise. The strong cross‐feeding and extended interactions between these investigators have given us all the opportunity to advance the promising exploration of what we call the North American Neolithic transitions. Our goal in this paper is to contextualize this issue.     

The late Pleistocene cultures of South America

Important to an understanding of the first peopling of any continent is an understanding of human dispersion and adaptation and their archeological signatures. Until recently, the earliest archeological record of South America was viewed uncritically as a uniform and unilinear development involving the intrusion of North American people who brought a founding cultural heritage, the fluted Clovis stone tool technology, and a big-game hunting tradition to the southern hemisphere between 11,000 and 10,000 years ago.^1–3 Biases in the history of research and the agendas pursued in the archeology of the first Americans have played a major part in forming this perspective.^4–6 Despite enthusiastic acceptance of the Clovis model by a vast majority of archeologists, several South American specialists have rejected it.^6–11 They contend that the presence of archeological sites in Tierra del Fuego and other regions by at least 11,000 to 10,500 years ago was simply insufficient time for even the fastest migration of North Americans to reach within only a few hundred years. Despite this concern, and despite the discovery of several pre-Clovis sites in South America,^6,10–12 some specialists^2,3 keep the Clovis model alive. Proponents of the model claim that the pre-Clovis sites are unreliable due to questionable radiocarbon dates, artifacts, and stratigraphy. Solid evidence at the Monte Verde site in Chile^14–16 and other localities^6,8,10–12 now indicates that South America was discovered by humans at least 12,500 years ago. How much earlier than 12,500 years ago is still a matter of conjecture.^6,10,12,15 Some proponents prefer a long chronology of 20,000 to 45,000 years ago,⁸ while others advocate a short chronology of 15,000 to 20,000 years ago^10–12 or only 11,000 years ago.^1–3. © 1999 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Multilocus phylogeography of a holarctic duck: colonization of north america from eurasia by gadwall (Anas strepera)

More than 100 species of birds have Holarctic distributions extending across Eurasia and North America, and many of them likely achieved these distributions by recently colonizing one continent from the other. Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and five nuclear introns were sequenced to test the direction and timing of colonization for a Holarctic duck, the gadwall (Anas strepera). Three lines of evidence suggest gadwalls colonized North America from Eurasia. First, New World (NW) gadwalls had fewer alleles at every locus and 61% of the allelic richness found in Old World (OW) gadwalls. Second, NW gadwalls had lower mtDNA allelic richness than other NW ducks. Third, coalescent analysis suggested that less than 5% of the ancestral population contributed to NW gadwalls at the time of divergence. Gadwalls likely colonized North America during the Late Pleistocene (approximately 81,000 years ago), but the confidence interval on that estimate was large (8500-450,000 years ago). Intercontinental gene flow and selection also likely contributed to genetic diversity in gadwalls. This study illustrates the use of multiple loci and coalescent analyses for critically testing a priori hypotheses regarding dispersal and colonization and provides an independent datapoint supporting an OW to NW bias in the direction of colonization.     

Systematics and macroevolution of extant and fossil scalopine moles (Mammalia,Talpidae)

Scalopini is one of the two fully fossorial mole tribes in the family Talpidae, with remarkable adaptations to subterranean lifestyles. Most living Scalopini species are distributed in North America while a sole species occurs in China. On the other hand, scalopine fossils are found in both Eurasia and North America from upper Oligocene strata onwards, implying a complex biogeographical history. The systematic relationships of both extant and fossil Scalopini across North America and Eurasia are revised by conducting phylogenetic analyses using a comprehensive morphological character matrix together with 2D geometric–morphometric analyses of the humeral shape, with a specific emphasis on Mioscalops, a genus commonly found in North America and formerly known as Scalopoides. Our phylogenetic analyses support the monophyly of the tribe Scalopini as well as a proposed two‐subtribe‐division scenario of Scalopini (i.e. Scalopina and Parascalopina), although Proscapanus could not be assigned to either subgenus. Our geometric–morphometric analyses indicate that the European Mioscalops from southern Germany should be allocated to Leptoscaptor, which in turn implies that Mioscalops may be endemic to North America and never arrived in Europe. Examination of biogeographical patterns does not unambiguously determine the geographical origin of Scalopini. Nevertheless, it does support multiple transcontinental colonization events across Asia, Europe and North America. Scapanulus oweni, distributed in central China, is the only remaining representative of one of those out‐of‐North‐America migrations, whereas scalopine moles are common in North America nowadays with up to five species.     

Whole‐genome sequencing of two North American Drosophila melanogaster populations reveals genetic differentiation and positive selection

The prevailing demographic model for Drosophila melanogaster suggests that the colonization of North America occurred very recently from a subset of European flies that rapidly expanded across the continent. This model implies a sudden population growth and range expansion consistent with very low or no population subdivision. As flies adapt to new environments, local adaptation events may be expected. To describe demographic and selective events during North American colonization, we have generated a data set of 35 individual whole‐genome sequences from inbred lines of D. melanogaster from a west coast US population (Winters, California, USA) and compared them with a public genome data set from Raleigh (Raleigh, North Carolina, USA). We analysed nuclear and mitochondrial genomes and described levels of variation and divergence within and between these two North American D. melanogaster populations. Both populations exhibit negative values of Tajima's D across the genome, a common signature of demographic expansion. We also detected a low but significant level of genome‐wide differentiation between the two populations, as well as multiple allele surfing events, which can be the result of gene drift in local subpopulations on the edge of an expansion wave. In contrast to this genome‐wide pattern, we uncovered a 50‐kilobase segment in chromosome arm 3L that showed all the hallmarks of a soft selective sweep in both populations. A comparison of allele frequencies within this divergent region among six populations from three continents allowed us to cluster these populations in two differentiated groups, providing evidence for the action of natural selection on a global scale.     

The role of land bridges,ancient environments,and migrations in the assembly of the North American flora

Continental‐scale assembly of floras results from past and present in situ diversification in association with several external processes. Among these processes are the making and breaking of connections among landmasses. Connections among landmasses are constantly in flux as are the climates and landscapes along the connection corridors, so that these corridors, or land bridges, may either facilitate or restrict migration at a given time. Across land bridges, changing landscape‐level and organismal factors include the dispersal potential and vectors of propagules, competition, predation, and distributions altered by pathogens. Assembly of a flora is, therefore, the outcome of complex, interacting, temporally‐varying factors that render simplistic explanations unlikely. In the case of North America, the continent experienced ephemeral connections with adjacent regions via five land bridges over the last 100 Ma at different times and under different climates and specific landscape morphologies, including edaphic characteristics. Here, I emphasize the earliest of these connections, Beringia, which probably comprised an initially‐incomplete land bridge during the Cretaceous and Paleocene resulting from compression, fragmentation, and rotation of Asian‐North American sub‐blocks as North America began moving westward from the northern portion of the Mid‐Atlantic Ridge. During the same time, additional land was added to Beringia with accretion of terranes and the subduction of the northern edge of the Pacific Plate beneath the North American‐Asian Plates in the Eocene to form the Aleutian Islands. Other connections between North America and adjacent landmasses were the North Atlantic, the Antilles, Central America, and the Magellan land bridge.     

Extension of the growing season due to delayed autumn over mid and high latitudes in North America during 1982–2006

Aim We intend to characterize and understand the spatial and temporal patterns of vegetation phenology shifts in North America during the period 1982–2006. Location North America. Methods A piecewise logistic model is used to extract phenological metrics from a time‐series data set of the normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI). An extensive comparison between satellite‐derived phenological metrics and ground‐based phenology observations for 14,179 records of 73 plant species at 802 sites across North America is made to evaluate the information about phenology shifts obtained in this study. Results The spatial pattern of vegetation phenology shows a strong dependence on latitude but a substantial variation along the longitudinal gradient. A delayed dormancy onset date (0.551 days year^?1, P= 0.013) and an extended growing season length (0.683 days year^?1, P= 0.011) are found over the mid and high latitudes in North America during 1982–2006, while no significant trends in greenup onset are observed. The delayed dormancy onset date and extended growing season length are mainly found in the shrubland biome. An extensive validation indicates a strong robustness of the satellite‐derived phenology information. Main conclusions It is the delayed dormancy onset date, rather than an advanced greenup onset date, that has contributed to the prolonged length of the growing season over the mid and high latitudes in North America during recent decades. Shrublands contribute the most to the delayed dormancy onset date and the extended growing season length. This shift of vegetation phenology implies that vegetation activity in North America has been altered by climatic change, which may further affect ecosystem structure and function in the continent.     

Mitochondrial diversity in human head louse populations across the Americas

Anthropological studies suggest that the genetic makeup of human populations in the Americas is the result of diverse processes including the initial colonization of the continent by the first people plus post‐1492 European migrations. Because of the recent nature of some of these events, understanding the geographical origin of American human diversity is challenging. However, human parasites have faster evolutionary rates and larger population sizes allowing them to maintain greater levels of genetic diversity than their hosts. Thus, we can use human parasites to provide insights into some aspects of human evolution that may be unclear from direct evidence. In this study, we analyzed mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequences from 450 head lice in the Americas. Haplotypes clustered into two well‐supported haplogroups, known as A and B. Haplogroup frequencies differ significantly among North, Central and South America. Within each haplogroup, we found evidence of demographic expansions around 16,000 and 20,000 years ago, which correspond broadly with those estimated for Native Americans. The parallel timing of demographic expansions of human lice and Native Americans plus the contrasting pattern between the distribution of haplogroups A and B through the Americas suggests that human lice can provide additional evidence about the human colonization of the New World. Am J Phys Anthropol 152:118–129, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Geographic patterns and environmental correlates of phylogenetic relatedness and diversity for freshwater fish assemblages in North America

The tropical niche conservatism hypothesis suggests that most groups should be most phylogenetically clustered in cold, dry environments. This idea has been well-tested in plants and some animal groups, but not for fishes. We assess the geographic patterns of freshwater fish phylogenetic structure and investigate the relationships between these patterns and environmental variables across North America and within two biogeographic realms. Phylogenetic relatedness and diversity of 360 freshwater fish assemblages across North America were quantified with three metrics based on a well-dated phylogeny, and were related to 15 environmental variables using correlation and regression analyses. Geographically, the data were analyzed for North America as well as for separate biogeographic realms. We found that cold temperatures are the strongest determinant of phylogenetic clustering overall. However, in the arid west, clustering is most pronounced in the driest regions. In eastern North America, phylogenetic clustering increases at higher latitudes, while the reverse is true in western North America. The strongest phylogenetic clustering for freshwater fish assemblages on the continent is found in the most arid, rather than the coldest, climate in North America. Our results highlight that patterns of phylogenetic structure of freshwater fishes in North America are driven by both ecological and evolutionary processes that differ regionally.     

The role of disjunction and postglacial population expansion on phylogeographical history and genetic diversity of the circumboreal plant Chamaedaphne calyculata

In the last decade a number of studies has illustrated quite different phylogeographical patterns amongst plants with a northern present‐day geographical distribution, spanning the entire circumboreal region and/or circumarctic region and southern mountains. These works, employing several marker systems, have brought to light the complex evolutionary histories of this group. Here I focus on one circumboreal plant species, Chamaedaphne calyculata (leatherleaf), to unravel its phylogeographical history and patterns of genetic diversity across its geographical range. A survey of 29 populations with combined analyses of chloroplast DNA (cpDNA), internal transcribed spacer (ITS) and AFLP markers revealed structuring into two groups: Eurasian/north‐western North American, and north‐eastern North American. The present geographical distribution of C. calyculata has resulted from colonization from two putative refugial areas: east Beringia and south‐eastern North America. The variation of chloroplast DNA (cpDNA) and ITS sequences strongly indicated that the evolutionary histories of the Eurasian/north‐western North American and the north‐eastern North American populations were independent of each other because of a geographical disjunction in the distribution area and ice‐sheet history between north‐eastern and north‐western North America. Mismatch analysis using ITS confirmed that the present‐day population structure is the result of rapid expansion, probably since the last glacial maximum. The AFLP data revealed low genetic diversity of C. calyculata (P = 19.5%, H = 0.085) over the whole geographical range, and there was no evidence of loss of genetic diversity within populations in the continuous range, either at the margins or in formerly glaciated and nonglaciated regions. © 2012 The Linnean Society of London, Biological Journal of the Linnean Society, 2012, 105 , 761–775.     

Colonization history and introduction dynamics of capsella bursa-pastoris (Brassicaceae) in north america: isozymes and quantitative traits

Multilocus isozyme genotypic composition for aspartate aminotransferase (AAT), leucine aminopeptidase (LAP) and glutamate dehydrogenase (GDH) was studied for Capsella in the source continent, Europe (9000 plants from 593 populations), and in the colonized continent, North America (2700 plants from 88 populations). North America was depauperate in the number of genotypes (by approximately 50%), but in terms of frequencies, a few genotypes were common and shared by both continents. Although some, very rare, genotypes were, however, unique for North America, our data provided no evidence to indicate that the introduced gene pools were reconstructed on a multilocus genetic basis after introduction. Instead, they argued for a considerable number of independent introduction events. Geographical distribution patterns of multilocus genotypes in Europe and North America were pronounced and enabled us to trace the colonization history of Californian Capsella back to Spanish ancestral populations and those of temperate North America back to temperate European gene pools. A random-block field experiment with 14 Californian populations from different climatic regions revealed that variation patterns of quantitative traits reflect ecotypic variation, and the ecological amplitude of Capsella in North America is similar to that in Europe, which can be traced back to the introduction of preadapted genotypes. It appears that certain multilocus isozyme genotypes are associated with certain ecotypes. The variable European gene pool of Capsella was essentially introduced into North America without major genetic changes.     

Mitochondrial DNA data imply a stepping‐stone colonization of Beringia by arctic warbler Phylloscopus borealis

Arctic warbler Phylloscopus borealis is one of several high‐latitude Passerines which are widely distributed across one northern continent but restricted to the Beringian part of the other. Most species with such asymmetric intercontinental ranges are monomorphic across Beringia, suggesting either recent colonization of the second continent or considerable gene flow across the Bering Strait. Arctic warbler is the only migratory species in this group that has three different subspecies in Beringia: Ph. b. borealis (Scandinavia to western Beringia, south to Mongolia), Ph. b. xanthodryas (Japan, Sakhalin, Kamchatka, western Beringia), and Ph. b. kennicotti (Alaska). This polymorphism may indicate that Arctic warbler has a unique and complex phylogeographic history that differs significantly from other species with similar ranges. Our analyses of complete mtDNA ND2 sequences of 88 Arctic warblers collected across the species range showed that the clade comprised of birds breeding on Sakhalin Island and Kamchatka Peninsula diverged from the Palearctic/Beringian clade by 3.8% in ND2 sequence. Beringian birds formed a recently derived clade embedded within the Palearctic clade. Nucleotide diversity declined sharply eastward from Palearctic to western Beringia and then to eastern Beringia. Our data provided no support for currently recognized subspecies. They suggested that the barrier at the western edge of Beringia was crossed by Arctic warbler earlier than the Bering Strait resulting in a stepping‐stone colonization of Beringia by this species. Gene flow appears to be restricted across the western border of Beringia but not the Bering Strait.     

A continental risk assessment of West Nile virus under climate change

Since first introduced to North America in 1999, West Nile virus (WNV) has spread rapidly across the continent, threatening wildlife populations and posing serious health risks to humans. While WNV incidence has been linked to environmental factors, particularly temperature and rainfall, little is known about how future climate change may affect the spread of the disease. Using available data on WNV infections in vectors and hosts collected from 2003–2011 and using a suite of 10 species distribution models, weighted according to their predictive performance, we modeled the incidence of WNV under current climate conditions at a continental scale. Models were found to accurately predict spatial patterns of WNV that were then used to examine how future climate may affect the spread of the disease. Predictions were accurate for cases of human WNV infection in the following year (2012), with areas reporting infections having significantly higher probability of presence as predicted by our models. Projected geographic distributions of WNV in North America under future climate for 2050 and 2080 show an expansion of suitable climate for the disease, driven by warmer temperatures and lower annual precipitation that will result in the exposure of new and naïve host populations to the virus with potentially serious consequences. Our risk assessment identifies current and future hotspots of West Nile virus where mitigation efforts should be focused and presents an important new approach for monitoring vector‐borne disease under climate change.     

From Africa via Europe to South America: migrational route of a species‐rich genus of Neotropical lowland rain forest trees (Guatteria,Annonaceae)

Aim Several recent studies have suggested that a substantial portion of today’s plant diversity in the Neotropics has resulted from the dispersal of taxa into that region rather than by vicariance. In general, three routes have been documented for the dispersal of taxa onto the South American continent: (1) via the North Atlantic Land Bridge, (2) via the Bering Land Bridge, or (3) from Africa directly onto the continent. Here a species‐rich genus of Neotropical lowland rain forest trees (Guatteria, Annonaceae) is used as a model to investigate these three hypotheses. Location The Neotropics. Methods The phylogenetic relationships within the long‐branch clade of Annonaceae were reconstructed (using maximum parsimony, maximum likelihood and Bayesian inference) in order to gain insight in the phylogenetic position of Guatteria. Furthermore, Bayesian molecular dating and Bayesian dispersal–vicariance (Bayes‐DIVA) analyses were undertaken. Results Most of the relationships within the long‐branch clade of Annonaceae were reconstructed and had high support. However, the relationship between the Duguetia clade, the Xylopia–Artabotrys clade and Guatteria remained unclear. The stem node age estimate of Guatteria ranged between 49.2 and 51.3 Ma, whereas the crown node age estimate ranged between 11.4 and 17.8 Ma. For the ancestral area of Guatteria and its sister group, the area North America–Africa was reconstructed in 99% of 10,000 DIVA analyses, while South America–North America was found just 1% of the time. Main conclusions The estimated stem to crown node ages of Guatteria in combination with the Bayes‐DIVA analyses imply a scenario congruent with an African origin followed by dispersal across the North Atlantic Land Bridge in the early to middle Eocene and further dispersal into North and Central America (and ultimately South America) in the Miocene. The phylogenetically and morphologically isolated position of the genus is probably due to extinction of the North American and European stem lineages in the Tertiary.     

Extinct Beringian wolf morphotype found in the continental U.S. has implications for wolf migration and evolution

Pleistocene diversity was much higher than today, for example there were three distinct wolf morphotypes (dire, gray, Beringian) in North America versus one today (gray). Previous fossil evidence suggested that these three groups overlapped ecologically, but split the landscape geographically. The Natural Trap Cave (NTC) fossil site in Wyoming, USA is an ideally placed late Pleistocene site to study the geographical movement of species from northern to middle North America before, during, and after the last glacial maximum. Until now, it has been unclear what type of wolf was present at NTC. We analyzed morphometrics of three wolf groups (dire, extant North American gray, Alaskan Beringian) to determine which wolves were present at NTC and what this indicates about wolf diversity and migration in Pleistocene North America. Results show NTC wolves group with Alaskan Beringian wolves. This provides the first morphological evidence for Beringian wolves in mid‐continental North America. Their location at NTC and their radiocarbon ages suggest that they followed a temporary channel through the glaciers. Results suggest high levels of competition and diversity in Pleistocene North American wolves. The presence of mid‐continental Beringian morphotypes adds important data for untangling the history of immigration and evolution of Canis in North America.     

Recent colonization and radiation of North American Lycaeides (Plebejus) inferred from mtDNA

North American Lycaeides populations exhibit remarkable variation in ecological, morphological, and behavioral characters, as well as an established history of introgressive hybridization. We examined mitochondrial DNA variation from 55 Eurasian and North American Lycaeides populations using molecular phylogenetics and coalescent-based methods in order to clarify the evolutionary and demographic history of this polytypic group. Specifically we addressed the following questions: (1) Do mitochondrial alleles sampled from North America form a monophyletic group, which would be expected if North American Lycaeides were descended from a single Eurasian ancestor? (2) When did Lycaeides colonize North America? and (3) What is the demographic history of North American Lycaeides since their colonization? Bayesian maximum likelihood methods identified three major mitochondrial lineages for Lycaeides; each lineage contained haplotypes sampled from both Eurasia and North America. This suggests a complex colonization history for Lycaeides, which likely involved multiple founding lineages. Coalescent-based analyses placed the colonization of North America by Eurasian Lycaeides sometime during or after the late Pliocene. This was followed by a sudden increase in population size of more than an order of magnitude for the North American population of Lycaeides approximately 100,000-150,000 years before the present. These mitochondrial data, in conjunction with data from previous ecological, morphological, and behavioral studies, suggest that the diversity observed in Lycaeides in North America is the result of a recent evolutionary radiation, which may have been facilitated, in part, by hybridization.