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1.
Håkan Wahlquist 《Ethnos》2013,78(3-4):207-238
This paper discusses ideas about ‘the nation’ and ‘the people’ expressed by residents of a low‐income district in the city of Salvador, capital of the state of Bahia, Brazil. The analysis relates positive and negative evaluations of national identity to a dialectic of hegemony and resistance. It focuses on gender and race in the local making or negating of nationalism, concluding that constitutive discourses and practices must be understood in relation to social inequality and the class structure.  相似文献   

2.
Kathryn MacKay 《Bioethics》2020,34(4):346-353
This paper imagines what the liberatory possibilities of (full) ectogenesis are, insofar as it separates woman from female reproductive function. Even before use with human infants, ectogenesis productively disrupts the biological paradigm underlying current gender categories and divisions of labour. I begin by presenting a theory of women’s oppression drawn from the radical feminisms of the 1960s, which sees oppression as deeply rooted in biology. On this view, oppressive social meanings are overlaid upon biology and body, as artefacts of culture and history. I then argue that ectogenesis should be pursued to replace two modes of assisted gestation that can be seen as outgrowths of oppressive assumptions about women's function, ectogenesis should be pursued to replace two modes of assisted gestation. These are gestational surrogacy and uterine transplant, which arise partly from gendered, pronatalist, and geneticist norms. These practices are supported by assumptions about women’s identity and value. Pursuing technologies such as ectogenesis, which weaken the presumed link between biology and gender, is beneficial to (trans-inclusionary radical) feminist aims, as part of a broad project of challenging dominant power relations resting on and maintaining gender categories. By allowing the conceptual separation of female reproductive function from ‘woman’, ectogenesis raises questions about how we determine who counts in this gender identity, and also how we value those who claim the identity ‘woman’. I conclude that ectogenesis has the potential to challenge traditional patriarchal family structures, and thence all other male-dominated structures (of work, education, cultural production), allowing a reimagining of the family and society in more radical ways than we have yet achieved.  相似文献   

3.
Karin van Nieuwkerk 《Ethnos》2013,78(2):229-246
The present discourse on Islam can be regarded as a cultural racist discourse. The construction of Muslims as the ‘Other’ necessarily implies constructing a ‘Self’. This article deals with the dialectical process of reification by studying Dutch female converts to Islam. Ruptures in the relationships between converts and their relatives can illuminate Dutch national and cultural identity. Converts change important markers of identity such as name and appearance. They also trespass Dutch values connected to cultural practice such as food, feasting and funerals. The most important construction of Dutch national and cultural identity vis-à-vis converts is related to sex and gender. Veiled Muslimas in particular express that they cannot longer be ‘real Dutch’. Veiling is subordination and oppressed women are the ‘ultimate others’ of Dutch self-perception.  相似文献   

4.
The issues of dislocated identity are epitomised in Mary's story. Brought from Papua New Guinea to Australia at a very young age as a ‘gift’, she grew up in a series of foster homes in Adelaide, South Australia. Now, as a teenager, Mary constitutes her identity through her body, emphasising her distinctive physical features, through idealised memories and through representations—photographs, cultural icons and people who ‘look like me’. The self she creates in this way sits uneasily along side another self; the Western adolescent self in trouble with the law, the self who struggles to be ‘one of the boys’ on the streets, one who ‘runs amuck’. This paper explores the process of ‘self-making’, the ‘serious play’ that Mary has employed to constitute her identity through her juggling of and reappropriation of cultural symbols. As a participant in a wider ethnographic study into Australian youth and representation, Mary portrayed the complexities of her growing up between worlds, embedded in neither and desperate to belong to her past.  相似文献   

5.
Jennifer Aengst 《Ethnos》2014,79(5):630-649
ABSTRACT

In India's northwest border region of Ladakh, norms of sexuality are changing, which is resulting in the emergence of new sexual practices, such as dating, ‘roaming’, and the dramatic elopements of Buddhist and Muslim youth. This has caused the emergence of youth policing the perceived sexual infractions of others, through targeting particular zones of intimacy – marriage, religious identity, and mobility. Yet, youth policing is uneven, targeting those considered to be the most ‘at risk’ for moral transgressions, including Buddhists, the elite, and those pursuing education. Ladakhi youth are in a tenuous position, where they negotiate their desires to be ‘modern’ with the community pressure to maintain a strong sense of cultural identity. This paper examines how youth navigate between tensions of modernity and culture, showing that they employ a range of strategic practices and tactics that provide space for expressing desires for modernity, while simultaneously securing cultural loyalty.  相似文献   

6.
7.
The link that Jean‐Jacques Rousseau forged a long time ago between the ‘real’ and the ‘natural’ has proved to be indissoluble. Time and again, contemporary constructions of the real mobilize all that can be linked to nature. Inauthentic, by contrast, is that which is fabricated, made up, artificial, the all‐too‐evident result of human design. In Bahia, Brazil, the author encountered a completely different mode in the cultural production of the real. Analysing the performance of a Bahian drag queen who goes by the name of Gina da Mascar, the author discusses ‘camp’ and ‘baroque’ as registers that foster a sensibility for (and appreciation of) cultural forms that are ‘truly false’. He shows how the appeal of these registers – their persuasiveness, their form of truth‐telling – resonates with the sensibilities of people whose biographies are marked by radical discontinuities, and he argues that these registers might be understood as a popular articulation of the Lacanian understanding that symbolic closure is an impossibility.  相似文献   

8.
This paper takes a critical look at the discursive construction of the identity of ‘the Mentaiwaians’ who are purported to inhabit the Mentawai islands in Western Indonesia. Out of a range of possible indigenous representations of identity ‘Mentawaian’ is the one that travellers and scholars universally use. I trace the formation of this representation in the very early literature on the islands authored by traders, travellers, scholars and missionaries. I then go on to examine the (hegemonic) effects of this on the way in which anthropologists have subsequently come to construct discursively the ‘culture’ of the ‘Mentawaians’. As an alternative, I propose that anthropological scholarship needs to take greater heed of the ways in which the local inhabitants construct their own identities. I briefly illustrate this through the example of my own work which describes a shifting and contextual construction of local identity in a particular locale on Siberut, the largest of the Mentawai islands.  相似文献   

9.
This paper focuses on the uses and abuses of two terms, ‘White’ and ‘Black Turk’, which have been significant in the ways modern Turkish society and national identity have been defined and contested in recent decades. Initially emerging in social analysis in the 1990s, ‘White Turk’ was a metaphor for and critique of the class culture, subjectivity and worldviews of the ‘new middle classes’ in a period of rapid integration to neoliberalism and globalized capitalism. Over time, both White and Black Turks have come to be used as part of a politics of identity and a politics of authenticity to characterize who are seen as the ‘authentic self’ and inauthentic others of national identity and to assert different visions for the future of Turkish society. White Turk has been adopted as an identity by outspoken members of the media and business elite, whereas its binary opposite, Black Turk, has been appropriated by Islamist politicians of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) as a metaphor to characterize the marginalization and purported oppression of their conservative Muslim constituency. As White and Black Turks were adopted as self-proclaimed identities, they provided a basis for a culturalist depiction of Turkish society, contributing over time to an increasingly divisive politics. Even though the AKP initially used the reference to White and Black Turks to appeal to specific demands for inclusion, as it increased its grip on power, it also (hyper)politicized the terms to articulate nativist claims to authenticity. In recent years, this nativist populism has been used to justify increasing authoritarianism and to delegitimize belonging and political participation of those deemed inauthentic others of the body politics.  相似文献   

10.
11.
The adoption by Australian couples of children from ‘overseas’ involves claborate processes of bureaucratic assessment, approval and ‘parent education’. This paper explores adults' notions of ‘child’(ren) from ‘overseas’, which help shape and constitute such social processes, not only with couples seeking to adopt, but also with those cultural brokers who assess, regulate and ‘educate’ couples pursuing adoption, such as social workers and psychologists. The ways in which the adoptive ‘child’ is imagined and anticipated by counsellors and would‐be parents alike are explored through ethnographic data from South Australia. However, the proclivities of prospective adoptive parents to imagine their child‐to‐be are attenuated by certain social knowledge in relation to countries of origin. This leads to an exploration of ambiguities and tensions between the intercountry adoptive child as a tabula rasa and as a culturally and historically constituted person. The significance of ambiguities and contradictions for the child's agency and identities is highlighted, within the context of certain social policies around adoption. The chronological age of the child at the time of ‘allocation’ to its adoptive parents is considered as constituting a cultural fulcrum, upon which the identity and situational significance of the ‘origins’ of the child are deemed to subsequently turn.  相似文献   

12.
Contesting discourses about natural resource development present a rich arena for ethnographic investigation. This paper focuses on interviews with environmental activists and forest industry defenders to document a struggle over the meaning of land, work and nature in the southwest of Western Australia. While Green activists condemn what they regard as crimes against nature, this moral challenge to rural communities from urban-based environmentalism is inverted by those working in the industry, such that local cultural practices are celebrated in the face of what is seen as emotional and non-scientific rhetoric. Conflicts about resource development are thus driven in significant respects by identity politics. The paper argues for the importance of cultural analysis, focused particularly on concepts of identity and ‘place’, in the study of contesting moral claims about what should be done with ‘the environment’.  相似文献   

13.
This article explores how people in the former Maoist heartland of Nepal adopted previously transgressive norms and practices during the decade of the People's War (1996‐2006). By examining the rise in practices of beef‐eating and inter‐caste commensality, this article suggests that the temporal dimension of wartime ‘when different rules apply’ was crucial in making people accept new ideas and break established norms on a scale atypical for the ‘normal’ times of peace. Analysing the agency of Maoist activists, who self‐consciously tried to implement a project of radical social transformation, and those people who were caught in the midst of the Maoist transformative endeavour, this article argues that the contours of the ‘new society’ emerged not only due to revolutionaries’ intentional actions but also because of the ‘exceptional’ nature of wartime, which forced people to radically re‐create their daily lives. By transgressing social norms, ‘ordinary’ people did not deliberately undermine the normative order, but rather responded to the constraints of wartime, when people's agency and ethical choices were mostly driven by the need to secure the survival of their families and ensure the continuity of life itself.  相似文献   

14.
The production of the total and stainable number of pollen grains per flower and per inflorescence of 13 olive cultivars (Olea europaea L.) has been investigated. Grains stainability was evaluated by using the acetic carmine staining method whereas the production of pollen grains was calculated by using a Bürker haemocytometer. All pollen characteristics taken into account varied significantly among the cultivars. The number of flowers per inflorescence ranged from a maximum of 31.3 (‘Cipressino’) to a minimum of 13.0 (‘Leccino’), the number of pollen grains per anther ranged from 123?346 (‘Arbequina’) to 40?975 (‘Sant'Agostino’), and the pollen stainability from 97.6% (‘Cipressino’) to 48.0% (‘Cellina di Nardò’). The number of stainable pollen grains per inflorescence averaged 2?559?512, ranging from a maximum of 3?913?678 (‘Nociara’) to a minimum of 940?143 (‘Sant'Agostino’). All parameters were positively correlated, whereas a linear negative correlation was found between stainability and total pollen grains both per anther and per inflorescence.  相似文献   

15.
At Hermannsburg, in central Australia, Western Aranda people frequently propose that they live by ‘two laws’, Aranda law and God's law. This is a common phenomenon remarked throughout northern Australia and analysed by a number of anthropologists in the past. This discussion throws new light on the issue by interpreting `two-laws' talk in terms of a culture of encompassment that marks the emergence of historical or ‘ethnic’ identities as Aboriginal people make the transition from an autonomous world to one in which they must engage in the practices of European orders that can come to dominate their lives. The discussion deploys ‘ontology’ and ‘ethnicity’ in order to mark different magnitudes of difference that can shape Aboriginal experience today.  相似文献   

16.
The narratives and images on websites of US hate groups that oppose undocumented immigrants represent and reproduce discourses that contribute to the subject formation of group members, who feel ethically obliged to counter unauthorized immigration. Left alone by the government, which is seen as unreliable and uncaring of patriotic values, they position themselves as heroic saviours of the nation. We argue that these hate groups’ ‘games of truth’ develop in response to the perception that irregular immigration threatens specific social orders and values, for instance about citizenship, national identity and otherness. This article helps to understand the ways in which anti-immigrant narratives serve the functions of countering these threats and of asserting the group members’ ethical obligation as a form of care of the self. In other words, from a Foucaultian viewpoint, we interpret the problematizations of ‘illegal’ immigration as discursive practices for the subject formation of hate group members.  相似文献   

17.
This paper discusses large‐scale genealogical work at three projects in Papua New Guinea, West Papua and Australia and considers three questions: in what respects is genealogy intellectual property (IP) and, if so, who owns it; what were the regimes of permissions that permitted the collection of genealogical knowledge in each of the three cases; and what duty of care do collectors/curators of genealogical knowledge have in respect of preservation and safeguarding against improper use? It is argued that a new form of ‘emergent’ knowledge arises in which intellectual property rights (IPR) are unclear. What is more certain is that anthropologists owe a ‘cultural heritage duty of care’ towards genealogical information. The key criterion is that anthropologists must be in a position, and allowed by those who employ them, to guarantee ‘unbroken oversight’ of genealogical materials regardless of what media they are on or how they are stored.  相似文献   

18.
Katharine Tyler 《Ethnos》2013,78(3):391-412
This article explores ethnographically the ‘village’ as a stage for the enactment and reproduction of a racialised set of white middle-class social and moral values. To do this I draw upon interview material with middle-class whites who live in a suburban ‘village’ on the border of rural Leicestershire and urban Leicester in England. I explore the way in which my co-conversationalists reflexively and imaginatively defend their area's ‘village’ identity through a discourse that ‘others’ its wealthy Asian residents. Although these raced others have achieved economic parity with the more affluent wealthy white middle-class residents, they are imagined to lack the ‘proper’ middle-class values of respectability and decorum, which are associated with the traditional white rhythms of English village life.  相似文献   

19.
Eric Reitan 《Bioethics》2016,30(4):272-281
One reason for the persistent appeal of Don Marquis' ‘future like ours’ argument (FLO) is that it seems to offer a way to approach the debate about the morality of abortion while sidestepping the difficult task of establishing whether the fetus is a person. This essay argues that in order to satisfactorily address both of the chief objections to FLO – the ‘identity objection’ and the ‘contraception objection’ – Marquis must take a controversial stand on what is most essential to being the kind of entity that an adult human being is. Such a stand amounts to a controversial account of personhood. To the extent that FLO's success depends on accepting such a controversial metaphysical view, one apparent attraction of FLO proves illusory.  相似文献   

20.
Drawing on ethnographic material about a set of Nepalese cultural practices known as ‘nutabad —ciypabad’, ‘favouritism’, the paper attempts; first, to chart the meaning favouritism has for Nepalis in their everyday encounters with central administration and the forms these interactions take and their cultural significations; second, to examine the way the idea of favouritism is constructed by the Westernized intellectuals to mean corruption and their reasons for so doing. The key sociological concept utilized for this analysis is ‘power’, specifically its operation in the field of political ethics centring on a conflict between two opposing ideologies; one advocated by the Westernized intellectuals who are pressing for the adoption of the principle of ‘impartiality’ in government; the other being that which is inherent in the Hindu traditional mode of statecraft wherein the institution of ‘the favour’ and therefore ‘partiality’ as a value is paramount and is in accord with Hindu cultural values, generally.  相似文献   

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