From Victim to Victimhood: Truth Commissions and Trials as Rituals of Political Transition and Individual Healing

The victim has been put at the centre of states' post‐atrocity strategies to reform governance, rehabilitate state authority and promote reconciliation. This paper explores the role of the victim in the truth commissions and trials aimed at reconciliation and justice and their experiences of the outcomes. The successor state's focus on recovering victims after mass atrocity ritually inverts the former regime's project of producing them. In both truth commissions and trials the state seeks to manipulate the ‘spectacle’ of the victim's pain and suffering to publicly project the power of the state for different ends. Whereas the repressive state seeks to deepen the effects of violence as a strategy of rule, the successor state seeks to reverse the social and political effects of violence. These strategies of transitional justice have sought to reverse the effects of exclusion, to reverse the direction of state power from producing victims towards redeeming victims, from injuring to healing. Because of the problems of mass criminality and widespread impunity, truth commissions have become widely adopted in preference to trials as a bureaucratic response to bureaucratic murder. They set about producing a ‘democratising truth’ through a process of public inquiry located outside the state in the people. On the whole, the process, the public testimony and the witnessing has been better received than the product, the reports and the reparations. By contrast, trials seek to produce a societal consensus based on the recovery of the law. But in both cases the victim is redeemed through the individualising discourse of law or the polarising logic of trials which establishes the guilty and innocent. The truth of atrocity is found in affirming gross human rights abuses in victims, in transacted violence rather than the deeper structures of violence. Thus, victimhood is built on a universalising human rights discourse which overly individualises the origins of atrocity.     

Irreconciliation as practice: resisting impunity and closure in Argentina

In Argentina, irreconciliation is created through everyday practices of vigilance against closure and collective struggles against impunity. In this essay, I show how over several decades since the fall of the dictatorial regime (1976-83), human rights activists and laypeople have devised ways to keep the past alive while attending to injustices through embodied collective engagements with the country's history and its legacies. By examining large protests, the everyday experiences of impunity, and a filmic exploration of kinship bonds and their entanglement with civilian complicity in the repression, the essay illustrates the ways in which irreconciliation is materialized and enacted as a form of social reconstruction many years after state terrorism.     

Social Responsibility and the State's Duty to provide Healthcare: An Islamic Ethico‐Legal Perspective

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization's (UNESCO) Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights asserts that governments are morally obliged to promote health and to provide access to quality healthcare, essential medicines and adequate nutrition and water to all members of society. According to UNESCO, this obligation is grounded in a moral commitment to promoting fundamental human rights and emerges from the principle of social responsibility. Yet in an era of ethical pluralism and contentions over the universality of human rights conventions, the extent to which the UNESCO Declaration can motivate behaviors and policies rests, at least in part, upon accepting the moral arguments it makes. In this essay I reflect on a state's moral obligation to provide healthcare from the perspective of Islamic moral theology and law. I examine how Islamic ethico‐legal conceptual analogues for human rights and communal responsibility, ?uqūq al‐’ibād and far? al‐kifāyah and other related constructs might be used to advance a moral argument for healthcare provision by the state. Moving from theory to application, I next illustrate how notions of human rights and social responsibility were used by Muslim stakeholders to buttress moral arguments to support American healthcare reform. In this way, the paper advance discourses on a universal bioethics and common morality by bringing into view the concordances and discordances between Islamic ethico‐legal constructs and moral arguments advanced by transnational health policy advocates. It also provides insight into applied Islamic bioethics by demonstrating how Islamic ethico‐legal values might inform the discursive outputs of Muslim organizations.     

When the past matters: memory politics and ethnic relations in Poland

This article identifies the conditions under which the interplay of past and present enables or constrains political action in the Polish public sphere. Using data from the Polish quality broadsheet Gazeta Wyborcza, I account for the puzzles in the Jewish, German and Ukrainian minorities' memory work. The study reveals that history empowers ethnic groups differently, in the function of the certification by external allies, diverse salience of the arguments raised and the state's distinct memory projects. Namely, the high resonance of the Jews' claims that seize on the Holocaust narrative and official acknowledgement of their past allow the group to escape the limits of their narrow organizational capacities. In contrast, the state's rejection of the Germans' and Ukrainians' interpretations of the past has the effect of channelling minority claims towards the fight for acknowledgement.     

Civil war and the non-linearity of time: approaching a Mozambican politics of irreconciliation

At least 1 million people died during the Mozambican civil war (1976/7-92). Unfolding after gaining independence from Portugal (1975) and alongside experiments with Afro-socialism in the 1980s, the war, despite its brutality, has not been subjected to global templates of reconciliation processes. Thus it comprises a unique case to probe what irreconciliation might mean – both as a political horizon and as an analytical concept. This text juxtaposes ethnographic material from rural, central Mozambique from the late 1990s and early 2000s emphasizing reconciliation with material from the same spaces from the 2010s onwards, where I identify what I term a ‘politics of irreconciliation’. I will make three arguments. First, informed by Hannah Arendt, I approach irreconciliation as fundamentally about the rejection of a world of violence in search of a world shared in common. Second, drawing on recent anthropological theorizing about temporal regimes and chronopolitics, I argue for the salience of a non-linear understanding of the politics of irreconciliation to grapple with the fact that civil war violence is understood as dangerously uncontained rather than nominally past. Third, within the context of Mozambique, forgiveness and its other, irreconciliation, are not only intimately tied to the temporally past or present; they are also, as I show, produced by a tangible and intense absence of a productive future.     

Introduction: On irreconciliation

Most post-conflict reconciliatory exercises make it incumbent upon survivors to forgive, and seek closure as a demonstration of ‘moving on’. Various anthropologists have criticized reconciliation and related forms of ‘alternative justice’ extensively but within the framework of maintaining social bonds and the rule of law. In this introduction, I reflect critically on the interdisciplinary scholarship on reconciliation, apology, and forgiveness, and theorize irreconciliation as a less examined lens of analysis. Rather than being in opposition to ‘peace’, irreconciliation allows us to interrogate the status quo by refusing to forgive endemic impunities, particularly in the aftermath of staged processes of justice and the absence-presence of the rule of law. In this special issue of the JRAI, I ethnographically explore irreconciliation's links with law, aesthetics, temporality, resistance, and control to locate its multiple analytical manifestations. Irreconciliation allows an important examination of the rule of law within processes of unresolved genocidal injustices and debates relating to slavery, Black Lives Matter, and institutional responses.     

Affiliation Between Aggressors and Third Parties Following Conflicts in Long-Tailed Macaques (Macaca fascicularis)

Studies on cercopithecine monkeys have shown that soon after an agonistic conflict, victims have increased rates of affiliation with the agressor—reconciliation—but not with other group members. Postconflict affiliation is thought to function to restore disturbed relationships and to reduce social tension. This study on a captive group of long-tailed macaques (Macaca fascicularis) is focused on postconflict affiliative behavior of the aggressor. Increased rates of contact between female aggressors and kin of the victim occurred, as well as between female aggressors and their own kin. Furthermore, there were increased rates of contact between aggressors—males and females—and other group members. The increase in contacts with the victim's kin was selective, i.e., it could not be ascribed to the increased contact tendency with group members in general, and was not a side effect of the aggressor's proximity to the victim due to reconciliation. The increase in contacts with own kin was not selective. The fact that male aggressors do not have increased postconflict contacts with their kin or with kin of the victim is in agreement with the notion that males are less integrated in the nepotistic matrilineal network than females are. The fact that studies by others that focused on the victim evidence no increase in postconflict contacts with kin of the opponent or with other group members may be explained by the aggressor's larger influence over the postconflict situation: to reduce social tension, it might be more effective to affiliate with the aggressor than with the victim. Our findings emphasize that conflicts influence the behavior of other monkeys besides the direct contestants and, thus, indicate that the disturbance of social homeostasis is a matter of concern for all group members.     

On the Islamic authority of the Indonesian state: responsibility,suspicion, and acts of compliance

This article examines how the Indonesian state's efforts to style itself as an Islamic authority have influenced the behaviour of its Muslim citizens. I present cases in which Muslims in Indonesia's Riau Islands comply with Islamic state directives in order to transfer responsibility for their actions to the state, showing how such a mode of practice can support Islamic governmentality, bolster nationalism, and constrain civic activism. Interestingly, compliance may occur even when citizens harbour deep misgivings towards a directive, leading me to query whether suspicion is necessarily inimical to authority. I conclude that a pronouncement's Islamic authority hinges on how Muslims relate to their suspicions regarding it, and that, for Riau Islanders, suspicion's urgency has been tempered by cultural models of personhood, individual subjectivity, and the moral murk of post‐Suharto Indonesia.     

Contesting Patrimony: Cusco's Mystical Tourist Industry and the Politics of Incanismo

The Peruvian state's neoliberal policies include its mission to modernize Peru through international tourism and foreign investment, and tourism promoters and politicians increasingly invoke Andean mysticism and Inca patrimony (or incanismo) as a marketing strategy. This paper argues that Cusqueño citizens invoke the same representations, with competing claims of authenticity and authority, as they construct their own versions of Incanist identification in populist movements against the state and its enforcement of the global neoliberal order, as well as in their attempts to survive in the tourist economy. In Peru, criticism of the tourist industry is often grounded in incanismo and seems to take aim at the neoliberal order. However, closer analysis reveals a more complicated set of relationships between resistance and liberalism. Friction emerges not because cultural identity is being commodified or inequalities persist, but because local desires for access to the market are frustrated by state and municipal agencies.     

Senegalese immigrant families’ ‘regroupement’ in France and the im/possibility of reconstituting family across multiple temporalities and spatialities

This paper interrogates the structural conditions, macropolitics and governmentality of family ‘regroupement’ in France in an era of shifting immigration policies in Europe and the imaginative possibilities that Senegalese immigrants exercise to maintain family and kinship ties with those left behind. It argues that while the need to maintain ties from diasporic locations is mediated by policies, material and emotive transnational practices, the materiality of displacement as well as the state's politics of immigration render more elusive possibilities of maintaining family in situ. What tensions and creative strategies emerge? How is ‘home’, the primordial site of family structure, reimagined and reconstituted? Taking into account state's politics and immigrants’ entrapment within multiple spheres of power and their active agency as determinants, this paper uncovers how displacement gives rise to multiple ruptures while simultaneously motivating a search for active agency to reconstruct and reimagine kinship, family and conjugality across multiple temporalities and spatialities.     

Environment,livelihood and household: The ethno‐history of Rana Tharus Badaghar households

This paper focuses on the changes occurring in households in the indigenous Rana Tharus community. I discuss the household not in terms of physical structure but instead on the social aspects: how people relate to each other through the lens of the household context. I argue that the fluid nature of households makes its flexible to different ecological environments and socio‐economic scenarios. My ethnography of Rana households clearly illustrated that the formation, structure and management of Rana households was fundamentally linked to people's livelihoods. Before 1950s, abundant land resources allowed Ranas to live in joint‐type households. This particular household arrangement not only fulfilled labour needs but also secured the mutual security for every household member. Gradually, undivided and big households (known in Rana as Badaghar) became the ideal model for Ranas as soon as such establishments did not become divided or separated. This household structure also served as an important safety net for most Ranas and fundamental to other social relationships especially Mukhiya (household head system) and Kurmaa (patrilineal kin). However, since the 1950s, new socio‐economic landscapes have significantly challenged the maintenance of traditional Rana households. Within the lifetime of most Ranas, they first experienced household fission and the disappearance of the Mukhiya system. The dynamic relationships between Rana household and new ecological, social and economic landscapes are explored here. It is concluded that the household is a critical institution allowing anthropologists to better understand the long‐term social impacts caused by state policies and ecological changes. This is because people often practice their new household relations in their everyday life as a response to environmental and livelihood changes.     

新疆生态经济系统可持续发展空间格局

运用生态足迹模型、生态经济系统发展能力指标、生态压力区分区标准和生态经济系统分区标准分析了1995—2010年新疆生态可持续性和生态经济系统可持续性的时空演变过程。结果表明:(1)1995—2010年间,生态压力指数、生态赤字总体逐年增大,新疆生态环境不可持续性增强;生态经济系统发展能力指数呈快速上涨趋势,生态经济系统发展能力显著提高,万元GDP生态足迹显著下降,资源利用效率有明显的提高。(2)各地州市1995—2010年间区域差异逐渐增大,生态赤字区逐渐增多,生态压力指数逐渐增大,生态环境不可持续性逐渐增强。一直处于高生态压力区的是乌鲁木齐市、克拉玛依市和石河子市,主要是因为它们经济发展水平和城市化水平高,生物资源、能源消费量大。(3)2000年后,各地州市可持续发展状况发生巨大的变化,主要是因为生态足迹的快速增长,生态承载力基本不变,导致生态压力指数增大,生态赤字增加,归根源于西部大开发战略的成效显著,新疆各地州市经济发展和人口快速增长,生物资源能源消费量增多;1995—2010年间,新疆各地州市生态经济系统发展能力和资源利用效率有了显著提高,但是区域差异变大。新疆生态环境和生态经济系统可持续发展面临挑战。     

Perceived Quality of Informed Refusal Process: A Cross‐Sectional Study from Iranian Patients' Perspectives

Patients have the right to refuse their treatment; however, this refusal should be informed. We evaluated the quality of the informed refusal process in Iranian hospitals from patients' viewpoints. To this end, we developed a questionnaire that covered four key aspects of the informed refusal process including; information disclosure, voluntariness, comprehension, and provider‐patient relationship. A total of 284 patients who refused their treatment from 12 teaching hospitals in the Isfahan Province, Iran, were recruited and surveyed to produce a convenience sample. Patients' perceptions about the informed refusal process were scored and the mean scores of the four components were calculated. The findings showed that the practice of information disclosure (9.6 ± 6.4 out of 22 points) was perceived to be moderate, however, comprehension (2.3 ± 1.4 out of 4 points), voluntariness (8.7 ± 1.5 out of 12 points) and provider–patient relationship (10.2 ± 5.2 out of 16 points) were perceived to be relatively good. We found that patients, who refused their care before any treatment had commenced, reported a lower quality of information disclosure and voluntariness. Patients informed by nurses and those who had not had a previous related admission, reported lower scores for comprehension and relationship. In conclusion, the process of obtaining informed refusal was relatively satisfactory except for levels of information disclosure. To improve current practices, Iranian patients need to be better informed about; different treatment options, consequences of treatment refusal, costs of not continuing treatment and follow‐ups after refusal. Developing more informative refusal forms is needed.     

Snakes and ladders: legal coercion,housing precarity,and home-making aspirations in southern England

The potential for eviction is an ordinary condition of domestic life for many in Europe and North America. This poses a challenge to anthropological theories of the state's presence in ordinary homes, which have accounted for public housing and mass displacement, but not liberalized settings where the state has ostensibly withdrawn from the home. Studies of housing precarity identify state policy and capitalist transformation among its sources, but the consequences of housing precarity for domesticity itself have not been fully explored. Private renters on a housing estate in southern England responded to the bleak prospect of eviction with home-making pursuits that would instil a sense of optimism in their homes, including mortgage-based ownership and immersive home entertainment technology. By examining the interplay between fears of eviction and home-making aspirations, this article argues that the British state's organization of legitimate coercion has a subtle but significant influence on tenants’ ethical visions of what constitutes a good home.     

The visual remaking of urban space: Relocation and the use of public housing in “modern” Cairo

Focusing on an urban group that was moved from the center of the capital during 1979–1981 to public housing in a neighborhood in northern Cairo,1 this article explores some of the strategies used by the relocated population to articulate their daily needs and cultural dispositions with the state's hegemonic construction of “modern” space. The discussion focuses on the visual manifestations of these strategies that localize change in durable forms. It is the visibility of these transformations, the article shows, that makes them important signs of distinction and markers of social status. At the same time, it is this visibility that transforms the housing project and remakes the image of Cairo that the state envisaged.     

Property as sovereignty in micro: the state/property nexus and the Cyprus Problem

This article shows that landed property can be an exercise of state sovereignty in micro. I argue that property tightly relates to statehood and that the concept of ‘community’ offers us a lens with which to investigate that relation. Property's ‘communal’ character in Cyprus often transcends individual rights to ownership. A house belongs not to an individual, but to persons in their capacity as members of either the Greek-Cypriot or Turkish-Cypriot constitutional communities of the Republic. Focusing on the moral and political claims that ensue from this premise, I show how refugee Cypriots encounter and rearticulate the state in a variety of institutions as they lay claims to property (periousia) – their own or others’. Consequently, I argue that thinking through ‘community’ contributes to understandings of the linkage between property and statecraft (what I call the state/property nexus). In turn, this allows us to better comprehend statehood in post-conflict domains.     

Renovated: Gender and Cinema in Contemporary Vietnam

This article discusses the changes in Vietnamese cinema from the Socialist to the contemporary period from the viewpoint of gender representation. Under socialist conditions of cultural production, films were made by state-funded studios, with a clear mandate to provide the population with film material appropriate to the state's ideals. Since Doi moi (“Renovation”) in the late 1980s, Vietnam was opened up to market forces and cinematic practices have responded. Issues of gender have come into focus, and films exploring these themes have emerged from both state studios and private investors. Nevertheless conservative social values remain strong, and gender remains an area of dynamic uncertainty.     

Effectiveness of the protected area network in biodiversity conservation: a case-study of Meghalaya state

The North-Eastern region of India is significant for biodiversity conservation because of its floristic richness and high levels of endemism. Deforestation levels are high in the region due to anthropogenic pressures. We accessed various literature sources to create a database for Meghalaya state containing information on plant species, habit, altitudinal distribution, endemism, and endangered status. Information on the existing protected area network (type, extent, and altitudinal representation) was added to the database. The database was used to assess the effectiveness of the existing protected area network in conserving the floristic biodiversity of the state. Of a total of 3331 plant species, 1236 (37.11%) are endemic of Meghalaya and 133 (4%) are confined to 'sacred forests'. However, 'sacred forests' are not legally protected areas. Only 32 220 ha (1.43% of the state's geographical area) is protected under the category of National Park or Sanctuary. Although 212 species (17.15% of the state's endemic species) occur only in Meghalaya at altitudes above 1500 m, none of the forests at these altitudes are protected as National Parks or Sanctuaries. We conclude that the existing protected area network does not effectively conserve the state's unique biodiversity and suggest measures by which its effectiveness might be increased.     

Disciplinary citizenship in South Korean NGOs' narratives of resettlement for North Korean refugees

This article explores how non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in South Korea articulate and implement disciplinary citizenship in the resettlement of North Korean refugees. Fieldwork based on in-depth interviews reveals that NGOs play a pivotal role in carrying out the state-led resettlement project at the local level. As disciplinary agents, NGOs mirror the state's policy in their emphasis on self-sufficiency and workfare as they encourage North Koreans to become economically productive citizens. Concomitantly, they emphasize civic contributions and volunteerism as a remedy for improving the social reputation of North Koreans as welfare recipients to that of contributing citizens. This focus on active, responsible citizenship aims at disciplining North Koreans to become docile subjects at the bottom of the social ladder, despite persistent economic difficulties and social marginalization in South Korea. Thus, refugees are pressured not only to achieve economic self-sufficiency, but to contribute to society in order to claim their sociocultural citizenship.     

Revising the ethnodevelopment model: addressing Karen self-determination within the context of the failed ethnocratic state of military-ruled Burma

My paper examines the Karen ethnic nationality and their fifty-eight-year self-determination struggle against ethnic cleansing resulting from the ethnocratic and military governments of Burma. I frame Karen self-determination as a development issue by employing Rodolfo Stavenhagen's ethnodevelopment model. Ethnodevelopment argues that, if asymmetrical development occurs within a multi-ethnic state, state-oriented ethnic minority development strategies are needed to neutralize the asymmetry. However, Stavenhagen's ethnodevelopment does not question the premise of an authoritarian state or the systemic crisis experienced by ethnic minorities under authoritarian rule. Thus, I revise ethnodevelopment from its top-to-bottom trajectory where ethnic minority development is dependent upon the centralized state, to a bottom-to-top trajectory I designate as liberation ethnodevelopment. I argue that Karen liberation ethnodevelopment is also a development process, but one that develops and shields the Karen from ethnic cleansing.