Examining time trends in the Oldowan technology at Beds I and II,Olduvai Gorge

The lithic analysis of the Bed I and II assemblages from Olduvai Gorge reveals both static and dynamic time trends in early hominids' technology from 1.8 to 1.2 m.y.a. The Bed I Oldowan (1.87-1.75 m.y.a.) is characterized by the least effort strategy in terms of raw material exploitation and tool production. The inclusion of new raw material, chert, for toolmaking in the following Developed Oldowan A (DOA, 1.65-1.53 m.y.a.) facilitated more distinctive and variable flaking strategies depending on the kind of raw materials. The unique characters of DOA are explainable by this raw material factor, rather than technological development of hominids. The disappearance of chert in the subsequent Developed Oldowan B and Acheulian (1.53-1.2 m.y.a.) necessitated a shift in tool production strategy more similar to that of Bed I Oldowan than DOA. However, the evidence suggests that Bed II hominids might have been more skillful toolmakers, intensive tool-users, and engaged in more active transport of stone tools than the Bed I predecessors. Koobi Fora hominids maintained a more static tool-using behavior than their Olduvai counterparts due mainly to a stable supply of raw materials. They differed from Olduvai hominids in terms of less battering of cores, consistent transport behavior, and few productions of side-struck flakes, indicating a regional variation of toolmaking and using practice. However, they shared with Olduvai hominids a temporal trend toward the production of larger flakes from larger cores after 1.6 m.y.a. Increased intake of animal resources and the expansion of ranging area of Homo ergaster would have led to the development of technological organization. Technological changes in the Oldowan industry are attested at Olduvai Gorge, Koobi Fora, and Sterkfontein, suggesting that it was a pan-African synchronous phenomenon, beginning at 1.5 m.y.a.     

Taphonomic perspectives on hominid site use and foraging strategies during Bed II times at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania

The faunal assemblages excavated by Mary Leakey in Bed II of Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania, have, like the more well-known Bed I assemblages, traditionally been interpreted as the result of hominid butchering activities in the lake margin and riverine settings of the paleo-Olduvai Basin. A reexamination of all of Leakey's Bed I sites has shown that hominids played little or no role in the formation of all but one of those faunal assemblages, a finding that prompted the reanalysis of the Bed II sites presented here. We expand upon a previous taphonomic study that provided systematic data for HWK East Levels 1–2, MNK Main, and BK. In addition to these assemblages, we provide data on HWK East Levels 3–5, FC West, TK, and SHK. Our data contradict previous interpretations of MNK Main as a hominid accumulation but uphold the contention that BK represents a primarily hominid accumulation reflecting early access to carcasses. The small and poorly preserved assemblages from FC West and TK are difficult to link unambiguously to either hominids or carnivores. Site MNK Main and HWK East Levels 3–5 appear to be death arenas where carcasses accumulated via natural deaths and/or serial predation. Site SHK is severely biased by selective retention and therefore little can be said of its formational history. Nevertheless, no hominid modifications were documented in this assemblage. Comparisons with other Olduvai sites indicate a more conspicuous hyena taphonomic signal during Bed II times than Bed I times, which appears to mirror the changing configuration of the large carnivore guild. These findings also beg the question of what activities were being carried out by hominids with the stone tools discarded at these sites. Although it seems clear that hominids were utilizing stone tools to carry out subsistence activities unrelated to carcass butchery, more excavation and techniques such as phytolith analysis should be employed to explore alternative explanations.     

Archaeological predictions for hominid land use in the paleo-Olduvai Basin, Tanzania, during lowermost Bed II times

We present a preliminary predictive model of Oldowan stone artefact and scavenged larger mammal bone assemblages for 11 landscape facets modeled earlier to occur across a large portion (>300 km²) of the paleo-Olduvai Basin during lowermost Bed II times. This second phase of model-building is based on our earlier characterizations of the basin's landscape ecostructure and the inter-facet distribution of key resources and hazards probably encountered by Late Pliocene hominids (Peters & Blumenschine, 1995, 1996). Our current extension of the model of hominid–landscape interactions specifies additional theoretical components, including: (1) the assumed capabilities of Oldowan hominids (presumablyHomo habilis, primarily); (2) the landscape-facet-specific tasks they carried out; (3) the immediate stone and bone task residues they produced; and (4) the predicted composition, condition, density, and clustering of stone artefact and butchered and unbutchered bone assemblages for each facet. We develop ecological linkages between these new and formerly reported modeling components, the most fundamental of which is the facet-specific degree of tree/shrub cover abundance, and the correlated degree of competition among larger carnivores and hominids for scavengeable larger mammal carcasses. These factors condition variability among landscape facets in scavenging opportunities encountered by hominids, which in our model is the major predictor of bone and stone artefact assemblage composition. The predictive value of scavenging reflects the bias of paleoanthropological traces toward technology and butchery in their landscape context, but the model is surprisingly insensitive to what are usually thought to be critical social components of hominid land use. The predictions for the traces of hominid–landscape interactions modeled herein can be tested in the future against the landscape archaeological sample being excavated from lowermost Bed II by the Olduvai Landscape Paleoanthropology Project.     

Hominid carnivory and foraging strategies, and the socio-economic function of early archaeological sites.

New evidence for the tissue types exploited by early hominids from carcasses possibly acquired through scavenging is derived from the larger mammal bone assemblages from FLK I, level 22 (Zinjanthropus floor), and FLKN levels 1 and 2 from Bed I, Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania. Published skeletal part profiles from the two archaeological sites are evaluated using (i) modern observations on the sequence by which carnivores consume carcass parts in order to assess the timing of hominid access to carcasses, and (ii) measurements of flesh and marrow yields to assess the tissue types sought and acquired. These results suggest that the maximization of marrow (fat) yields, not flesh (protein) yields, was the criterion shaping decisions about carcass processing. Because of evidence for density-dependent destruction of some flesh-bearing parts by scavengers of the hominid-butchered assemblages, however, it is uncertain whether carcass parts were transported and acquired by hominids in a largely defleshed condition. The results on tissue types acquired are combined with a discussion of predation risk, feeding competition and the equipment needs of carcass processing in an attempt to identify archaeological test implications of competing hypotheses for the socio-economic function of the earliest archaeological sites.     

Analysis of a bone assemblage made by chimpanzees at Gombe National Park, Tanzania

Chimpanzee hunting provides information on prey characteristics and constraints acting on a large-bodied primate lacking a hunting technology, and has important implications for modeling hunting by fossil hominids. Analysis of the remains of five red colobus monkeys captured and consumed by Gombe chimpanzees in a single hunting bout provides one of the first opportunities to investigate the characteristics of prey bones surviving chimpanzee consumption. Four of the five individuals (an older infant, two juveniles and one subadult) were preserved in the bone assemblage; a neonate was entirely consumed. Cranial and mandibular fragments had the highest survivorships, followed by the scapulae and long bones. Post-cranial axial elements had the lowest survivorships. A high percentage (80%) of the long bones and ribs surviving consumption were damaged, most commonly through crenulation and step fracturing of bone ends. One of two partially reconstructed crania preserves a canine puncture through its left parietal. Proposed characteristics of faunal assemblages formed through chimpanzee-like hunting include small modal prey size, limited taxonomic diversity, a high proportion of immature individuals and a high frequency of skull bones. These characteristics would not uniquely identify hunting by fossil primates in the geological record, necessitating a contextual approach to diagnose hunting by hominids not forming an archeological record.Hominid utilization of vertebrate tissue is first unambiguously documented at 2.5 m.y.a. Rather than representing a strict "scavenging phase" in the evolution of hominid-prey interactions, Oldowan hominid carnivory may represent the overlay of large mammal scavenging on a tradition of small mammal hunting having a low archeological visibility.     

The age and stratigraphic position of Olduvai Hominid I

A short history of Olduvai Hominid I is given. On the basis of absolute and relative dating its position in the Naisiusiu Bed, part of the former Bed V, is affirmed. Some connection, on morphological grounds, with other hominids in East Africa is postulated, as well as with cultural material.     

Grandmothering and the evolution of homo erectus

Despite recent, compelling challenge, the evolution of Homo erectus is still commonly attributed to big game hunting and/or scavenging and family provisioning by men. Here we use a version of the "grandmother" hypothesis to develop an alternative scenario, that climate-driven adjustments in female foraging and food sharing practices, possibly involving tubers, favored significant changes in ancestral life history, morphology, and ecology leading to the appearance, spread and persistence of H. erectus. Available paleoclimatic, environmental, fossil and archaeological data are consistent with this proposition; avenues for further critical research are readily identified. This argument has important implications for widely-held ideas about the recent evolution of long human lifespans, the prevalence of male philopatry among ancestral hominids, and the catalytic role of big game hunting and scavenging in early human evolution.     

Disentangling Early Stone Age palimpsests: determining the functional independence of hominid- and carnivore-derived portions of archaeofaunas

Determining the extent to which hominid- and carnivore-derived components of fossil bone palimpsests formed independently of each other can provide valuable information to paleoanthropologists interested in reconstructing the foraging adaptations of hominids. Because stone tool cutmarks, hammerstone percussion marks, and carnivore tooth marks are usually only imparted on bone during nutrient extraction from a carcass, these bone surface modifications are particularly amenable to the types of analyses that might meet this goal. This study compares the percentage of limb bone specimens that preserve evidence of both hominid- and carnivore-imparted bone damage from actualistic control samples and several Plio-Pleistocene archaeofaunas, including new data from Swartkrans Member 3 (South Africa). We argue that this procedure, which elucidates the degree of hominid-carnivore independence in assemblage formation, will allow researchers to extract for focused analyses high integrity components (hominid and carnivore) from presumably low integrity sites. Comparisons suggest that the hominid- and carnivore-derived components from sites in Olduvai Gorge Bed II (Tanzania), the ST Site Complex at Peninj (Tanzania), and Swartkrans Member 3 formed largely independent of each other, while data from the FLK 22 Zinjanthropus (FLK Zinj) site (Olduvai Gorge Bed I) indicate significant interdependence in assemblage formation. This contrast suggests that some Early Stone Age assemblages (e.g., the Olduvai Gorge Bed II sites, the Peninj ST Site Complex, and Swartkrans Member 3) are probably more useful than others (e.g., FLK Zinj) for assessing the maximal carcass-acquiring abilities of early hominids; in such assemblages as those in the former set, sole hominid-contribution is more confidently discerned and isolated for analysis than in assemblages such as FLK Zinj.     

桦甸仙人洞遗址出土的动物化石与孢粉

桦甸仙人洞旧石器遗址的上、下文化层出土了大量动物化石, 本文通过动物化石的分布状况、出土状态分析, 复原了上、下文化层沉积时期古人类的狩猎和处置猎物的行为, 总体来看, 远古人类生计方式以狩猎为主, 晚期古人类比早期对猎物资源开发得更彻底。另外, 从洞穴内大量碎骨片和石制品来看, 该洞穴可能为临时的营地或者屠宰场。通过对动物群组成、年代和孢粉分析的综合研究, 认为该遗址所处环境经历了剧烈的变化, 总体处于寒冷干燥的气候环境中, 植被以草原为主, 伴有少量森林。这一研究为探讨中国东北地区晚更新世人类的生存行为和演化特征提供了重要的研究材料和数据。     

Cutmarked bones from Pliocene archaeological sites at Gona, Afar, Ethiopia: implications for the function of the world's oldest stone tools

Newly recorded archaeological sites at Gona (Afar, Ethiopia) preserve both stone tools and faunal remains. These sites have also yielded the largest sample of cutmarked bones known from the time interval 2.58-2.1 million years ago (Ma). Most of the cutmarks on the Gona fauna possess obvious macroscopic (e.g., deep V-shaped cross-sections) and microscopic (e.g., internal microstriations, Herzian cones, shoulder effects) features that allow us to identify them confidently as instances of stone tool-imparted damage caused by hominid butchery. In addition, preliminary observations of the anatomical placement of cutmarks on several of the recovered bone specimens suggest that Gona hominids may have eviscerated carcasses and defleshed the fully muscled upper and intermediate limb bones of ungulates--activities that further suggest that Late Pliocene hominids may have gained early access to large mammal carcasses. These observations support the hypothesis that the earliest stone artifacts functioned primarily as butchery tools and also imply that hunting and/or aggressive scavenging of large ungulate carcasses may have been part of the behavioral repertoire of hominids by c. 2.5 Ma, although a larger sample of cutmarked bone specimens is necessary to support the latter inference.     

Hominid divergence and speech evolution

Hominids evolved from a population which diverged from other hominoids during the Mio-Pliocene. This population was perhaps forced by ecological conditions and competitive exclusion to rely more on tools, gathering, hunting, vocal communication and memory, under whose mutually positively reinforcing effects the hominids diverged. The ape ancestors may have been forced into the forests (or they may have forced hominids onto the savanna), while hominids adapted to a plains, hunting econiche.Speech was selected for because verbal symbols served as retrieval cues for a large number of complex concepts and were transmissible, and thus could be used to influence food-getting and other behavior by the social group.Speech is dependent on three inherited entities: (1) anatomical and neurological adaptations which allow vocalization of a wide range of phonemes in rapid succession and which allow for (2) duality of patterning, thereby promoting a large number of words, and (3) encoding, which greatly increases the rate at which verbal information transfer can occur. Speech may have evolved through small hominid groups using progressively more phonemes in an increasingly blended manner, with encoding subsequently being selected for. Neandertals apparently could not encode speech and could speak only a restricted range of phonemes. Their expanded cranial capacity may have been selected for to store ambiguous and slowly transmitted verbal data.     

Out of Africa: origins of the Taenia tapeworms in humans

Phylogenetic and divergence date analyses indicate that the occurrence of Taenia tapeworms in humans pre-dates the development of agriculture, animal husbandry and domestication of cattle (Bos spp.) or swine (Sus scrofa). Taeniid tapeworms in Africa twice independently colonized hominids and the genus Homo prior to the origin of modern humans. Dietary and behavioural shifts, from herbivory to scavenging and carnivory, as early Homo entered the carnivore guild in the Pliocene/Pleistocene, were drivers for host switching by tapeworms to hominids from carnivores including hyaenids and felids. Parasitological data provide a unique means of elucidating the historical ecology, foraging behaviour and food habits of hominids during the diversification of Homo spp.     

New estimates of tooth mark and percussion mark frequencies at the FLK Zinj site: the carnivore-hominid-carnivore hypothesis falsified

Traditional interpretations of hominid carcass acquisition strategies revolve around the debate over whether early hominids hunted or scavenged. A popular version of the scavenging scenario is the carnivore-hominid-carnivore hypothesis, which argues that hominids acquired animal resources primarily through passive opportunistic scavenging from felid-defleshed carcasses. Its main empirical support comes from the analysis of tooth mark frequency and distribution at the FLK Zinj site reported by Blumenschine (Blumenschine, 1995, J. Hum. Evol. 29, 21-51), in which it was shown that long bone mid-shafts exhibited a high frequency of tooth marks, only explainable if felids had preceded hominids in carcass defleshing. The present work shows that previous estimates of tooth marks on the FLK Zinj assemblage were artificially high, since natural biochemical marks were mistaken for tooth marks. Revised estimates are similar to those obtained in experiments in which hyenas intervene after humans in bone modification. Furthermore, analyses of percussion marks, notches, and breakage patterns provide data which are best interpreted as the results of hominid activity (hammerstone percussion and marrow extraction), based on experimentally-derived referential frameworks. These multiple lines of evidence support previous analyses of cut marks and their anatomical distribution; all indicate that hominids had early access to fleshed carcasses that were transported, processed, and accumulated at the FLK Zinj site.     

许家窑遗址马科动物的死亡年龄

普氏野马(Equus przewalskii)和野驴(Equus hemionus)是许家窑遗址动物群中的优势属种。本文基于对这两种动物牙齿材料的测量与分析,确定了遗址中马科动物的死亡年龄,并对上、下文化层的死亡年龄分布进行了研究,以期探知古人类获取肉食资源的方式与特点。通过与马科动物在自然生存状态下以及死于不同原因(如疾病或营养衰竭、食肉动物猎杀、现代人类狩猎等)的年龄结构对比,结果表明:古人类在许家窑文化早期(下文化层)可能通过捡拾自然死亡的动物尸体、与食肉类动物抢夺猎物、主动狩猎等多种方式获取马科动物,而在许家窑文化晚期(上文化层)可能以主动狩猎作为获取马科动物的主要方式。此外,古人类在遗址的早期就可能已经具有捕获整个马科动物居群中任意年龄个体的能力,并能做出最优化判断,有选择地去捕猎脂肪和肉量较高的壮年动物群体。     

Hunting behavior of wild chimpanzees in the Taï National Park

Hunting is often considered one of the major behaviors that shaped early hominids' evolution, along with the shift toward a drier and more open habitat. We suggest that a precise comparison of the hunting behavior of a species closely related to man might help us understand which aspects of hunting could be affected by environmental conditions. The hunting behavior of wild chimpanzees is discussed, and new observations on a population living in the tropical rain forest of the Taï National Park, Ivory Coast, are presented. Some of the forest chimpanzees' hunting performances are similar to those of savanna-woodlands populations; others are different. Forest chimpanzees have a more specialized prey image, intentionally search for more adult prey, and hunt in larger groups and with a more elaborate cooperative level than savanna-woodlands chimpanzees. In addition, forest chimpanzees tend to share meat more actively and more frequently. These findings are related to some theories on aspects of hunting behavior in early hominids and discussed in order to understand some factors influencing the hunting behavior of wild chimpanzees. Finally, the hunting behavior of primates is compared with that of social carnivores.     

Human nakedness: adaptation against ectoparasites?

Homo sapiens L. has been described as the naked ape, and this nakedness undoubtedly constitutes one of the most striking differences in appearance between man and the apes. Nakedness has been attributed at various times to sexual selection [1], aquatic stage [2], hunting [3], cooling [4], sex [5], neoteny [6] and allometry [7], most proposed explanations logically revealing some aspect of the phenomenon. However, most fail to account for the distinctiveness of man's hairlessness among mammals of the same size. Unfortunately, fossils cannot help us to explain how denudation occurred, and how it helped hominids to survive. In this paper I will present an old hypothesis with a new point of view incorporating more recent evidence.     

Discussion

Homo sapiens L. has been described as the naked ape, and this nakedness undoubtedly constitutes one of the most striking differences in appearance between man and the apes. Nakedness has been attributed at various times to sexual selection [1], aquatic stage [2], hunting [3], cooling [4], sex [5], neoteny [6] and allometry [7], most proposed explanations logically revealing some aspect of the phenomenon. However, most fail to account for the distinctiveness of man's hairlessness among mammals of the same size. Unfortunately, fossils cannot help us to explain how denudation occurred, and how it helped hominids to survive. In this paper I will present an old hypothesis with a new point of view incorporating more recent evidence.     

Zooarchaeological and taphonomic analysis of the Die Kelders Cave 1 layers 10 and 11 Middle Stone Age larger mammal fauna

Middle Stone Age (MSA) and Middle Paleolithic (MP) faunal assemblages have gained widespread attention due to their relevance to the debate over the modernity of hominid behavior during the MSA/MP. A recent critique of the scavenging argument for MSA/MP behavior drew on a summary presentation of the skeletal abundance and surface modification data from Die Kelders Cave 1 Layer 10 (Marean, 1998). This paper provides a more complete presentation of those data, adds the smaller Layer 11 sample, and provides a detailed analysis of the taphonomic history of both samples.Bone fragment density is higher in Layer 10 than in Layer 11. Bone densities vary horizontally as well, with Layer 10 showing greater deposition in the exposed areas of the cave. An analysis of long bone breakage patterns indicates that non-nutritive breakage on the Layers 10 and 11 samples was present but not intense. Size 1 mammals were predominantly accumulated by owls and/or other large raptors, not hominids, in Layer 10. Hominids were the predominant accumulator of Sizes 2-4 mammals in Layers 10 and 11 as indicated by the frequency of hammer-stone percussion marks and carnivore toothmarks. After discard by hominids, a significant portion of these remains were discovered and scavenged by carnivores. Overall, the larger mammal fauna of Layer 10 is dominated by Sizes 3 and 4 bovids, mostly young and adult eland, and thus hominids were focusing on the high-ranked prey items. Shaft portions of long bones, the portions with the most flesh, have the highest frequencies of cutmarks. A comparison of the Layers 10 and 11 cutmark frequencies to Selvaggio's (1998) scavenging model shows that the frequencies are significantly outside the range of variation documented in Selavaggio's scavenging sample.     

Africa's wild C4 plant foods and possible early hominid diets

A small minority of Africa's wild plant foods are C4. These are primarily the seeds of some of the C4 grasses, the rootstocks and stem/leaf bases of some of the C4 sedges (especially papyrus), and the leaves of some of the C4 herbaceous dicots (forbs). These wild food plants are commonly found in disturbed ground and wetlands (particularly the grasses and sedges). Multiple lines of evidence indicate that C4 grasses were present in Africa by at least the late Miocene. It is a reasonable hypothesis that the prehistory of the C4 sedges parallels that of the C4 grasses, but the C4 forbs may not have become common until the late Pleistocene. CAM plants may have a more ancient history, but offer few opportunities for an additional C4-like dietary signal. The environmental reconstructions available for the early South African hominid sites do not indicate the presence of large wetlands, and therefore probably the absence of a strong potential for a C4 plant food diet. However, carbon isotope analyses of tooth enamel from three species of early South African hominids have shown that there was a significant but not dominant contribution of C4 biomass in their diets. Since it appears unlikely that this C4 component could have come predominantly from C4 plant foods, a broad range of potential animal contributors is briefly considered, namely invertebrates, reptiles, birds, and small mammals. It is concluded that the similar average C4 dietary intake seen in the three South African hominid species could have been acquired by differing contributions from the various sources, without the need to assume scavenging or hunting of medium to large grazing ungulates. Effectively similar dominantly dryland paleo-environments may also be part of the explanation. Theoretically, elsewhere in southern and eastern Africa, large wetlands would have offered early hominids greater opportunities for a C4 plant diet.     

Crocodylian and mammalian carnivore feeding traces on hominid fossils from FLK 22 and FLK NN 3, Plio-Pleistocene, Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania

Taphonomic analysis of the Olduvai Hominid (OH) 8 left foot from FLK NN Level 3 and the OH 35 left leg from FLK Level 22 (Zinjanthropus level) in Middle Bed I, Olduvai Gorge, indicates that both were fed upon by crocodiles. Both bear extensive tooth marking, including bisected tooth marks diagnostic of crocodylian feeding. The location of the bisected tooth marks on the distal tibia and the talus indicates disarticulation of the foot by crocodiles. The broken proximal ends of the tibia and fibula are more typical of feeding by a leopard-like carnivore, as is damage to the OH 7 mandible and parietals that are associated with and may derive from the same individual as OH 8. Previous work showing a close articulation of the foot and the leg has been used to suggest that the two specimens belong to the same individual despite deriving from sites separated by 200 m and slightly different stratigraphic levels according to previous work. The location and agent of tooth marking and the nature of gross damage do not refute this hypothesis, but the punctures on the talus and distal tibia differ in size and sharpness. Recent work shows that the stratigraphic discrepancy between OH 8 and OH 35 is greater than previously thought, refuting the single-individual hypothesis. Although seemingly unlikely, this denotes that two hominids represented by rarely found leg and foot elements both lost their left foot to crocodiles at nearby sites within a 6,000 year interval. We cannot determine if the hominids were preyed upon by crocodiles or mammalian carnivores. However, the carnivore damage to them and associated faunal remains suggests that high predation risk constrained hominid activities involving discard of the stone artifacts found at these sites. This finding is inconsistent with the interpretation of the sites as home bases or living floors.