Father Absence and Reproduction-Related Outcomes in Malaysia,a Transitional Fertility Population

Father absence is consistently associated with children’s reproductive outcomes in industrialized countries. It has been suggested that father absence acts as a cue to particular environmental conditions that influence life history strategies. Much less is known, however, about the effects of father absence on such outcomes in lower-income countries. Using data from the 1988 Malaysian Family Life Survey (n?=?567), we tested the effect of father absence on daughters’ age at menarche, first marriage, and first birth; parity progression rates; and desired completed family size in Malaysia, a country undergoing an economic and fertility transition. Father absence during later childhood (ages 8 to 15), although not during earlier childhood, was associated with earlier progressions to first marriage and first birth, after controlling for other confounders. Father absence does not affect age at menarche, desired family size, or progression from first to second birth. The patterns found in this transitional population partly mirror those in developed societies, where father absence accelerates reproductive events. There is, however, a notable contrast between the acceleration in menarche for father-absent girls consistently found in developed societies and the lack of any association in our findings. The mechanisms through which father absence affects reproduction may differ in different ecological contexts. In lower-income contexts, direct paternal investment or influence may be of more importance in determining reproductive behavior than whether fathers act as a cue to environmental conditions.     

Does Absence Matter?

This paper examines the effects of three different types of father absence on the timing of life history events among women in rural Bangladesh. Age at marriage and age at first birth are compared across women who experienced different father presence/absence conditions as children. Survival analyses show that daughters of fathers who divorced their mothers or deserted their families have consistently younger ages at marriage and first birth than other women. In contrast, daughters whose fathers were labor migrants have consistently older ages at marriage and first birth. Daughters whose fathers died when they were children show older ages at marriage and first birth than women with divorced/deserted fathers and women with fathers present. These effects may be mediated by high socioeconomic status and high levels of parental investment among the children of labor migrants, and a combination of low investment, high psychosocial stress, and low alloparental investment among women with divorced/deserted fathers. Our findings are most consistent with the Child Development Theory model of female life history strategies, though the Paternal Investment and Psychosocial Acceleration models also help explain differences between women in low paternal investment situations (e.g., father divorced/abandoned vs. father dead). Father absence in and of itself seems to have little effect on the life history strategies of Bangladeshi women once key reasons for or correlates of absence are controlled, and none of the models is a good predictor of why women with deceased fathers have delayed life histories compared with women whose fathers are present.     

Father absence predicts age at sexual maturity and reproductive timing in British men

Despite the widespread assumption that paternal investment is substantial in our species, previous studies have shown mixed results in relation to the impact of fathers on both offspring survival and reproductive outcomes. Using data from a large representative sample of British men, we tested whether father absence is associated with the timing of reproduction-related events among boys, while controlling for various cues denoting early childhood adversity. We further tested whether the loss of the father at different childhood stages matters, so as to assess whether early life is the most important period or if effects can be seen during later childhood. The results show that father absence before age seven is associated with early reproduction, while father absence between ages 11 and 16 only is associated with delayed voice-breaking (a proxy for puberty), even after adjusting for other factors denoting childhood adversity. We conclude that fathers do exert an influence on male reproductive outcomes, independently of other childhood adversities and that these effects are sensitive to the timing of father absence.     

Paternal Care by Genetic Fathers and Stepfathers II: Reports by Xhosa High School Students

In this article we present a biosocial model of human male parental care that allows relationship (mating) effort to influence male parental allocations. The model recognizes four classes of relationships between men and the children they parent: genetic offspring of current mates (combined relationship and parental effort), genetic offspring of previous mates (parental effort solely), step offspring of current mates (relationship effort solely), and stepchildren of previous mates (essentially no expected investment). We test the model using data on parental investment collected from 340 Xhosa high school students in Cape Town, South Africa. Six measures of paternal investment are examined: the amount of money men spent on students for school, clothing, and miscellaneous expenditures, respectively, and how often men spent time with children, helped them with their homework, or spoke English with them. The tests provide support for the roles of both parental and relationship effort in influencing parental care: men invest significantly more in their genetic offspring and in the children of their current mates. We also examine several proximate influences on parental care, specifically the age and sex of the child, and the percentage of the child's life the father figure coresided with him or her.     

Age at onset versus family history and clinical outcomes in 1,665 international bipolar-I disorder patients

Early onset in bipolar disorder (BPD) has been associated with greater familial risk and unfavorable clinical outcomes. We pooled data from seven international centers to analyze the relationships of family history and symptomatic as well as functional measures of adult morbidity to onset age, or onset in childhood (age <12), adolescence (12-18), or adulthood (19-55 years). In 1,665 adult, DSM-IV BPD-I patients, onset was 5% in childhood, 28% in adolescence, and 53% at peak ages 15-25. Adolescent and adult onset did not differ by symptomatic morbidity (episodes/year, percentage of months ill, co-morbidity, hospitalization, suicide attempts) or family history. Indications of favorable adult functional outcomes (employment, living independently, marriage and children, and a composite measure including education) ranked, by onset: adult > adolescent > child. Onset in childhood versus adolescence had more episodes/year and more psychiatric co-morbidity. Family history was most prevalent with childhood onset, similar over onset ages 12-40 years, and fell sharply thereafter. Multivariate modeling sustained the impression that family history and poor functional, but not symptomatic, outcomes were associated with younger, especially childhood onset. Early onset was more related to poor functional outcomes than greater symptomatic morbidity, with least favorable outcomes and greater family history with childhood onset.     

Differential facial resemblance of young children to their parents: who do children look like more?

In humans, paternal investment is highly variable and is modulated by paternity uncertainty. Facial phenotypic similarity between a father and a child is one possible paternity indicator. However, whether such paternal-biased traits are expressed in children is unclear, as previous empirical results are contradictory. Therefore, we quantified the facial resemblance between a child and each of his or her parents, from birth to 6 years old. Resemblance was assessed from pictures of the face by nonrelated judges. We found that, at all ages, children resemble both their parents more than would be expected by chance, although there is a differential resemblance toward one or the other parent depending on the age and sex of the child. For newborns, boys and girls resemble their mothers more, this differential resemblance persisting through time for girls. For boys, an inversion occurs and they resemble their fathers more between 2 and 3 years of age. The resemblance ascribed by the parents shows that, at birth, mothers ascribe a resemblance to the father, as previously found, although assessment by external judges revealed the opposite. These results suggest that facial appearance is a cue for kin recognition between a father and a child. Patterns of differential resemblance are discussed within the context of evolutionary theories on parental investment.     

Paternal Care by Genetic Fathers and Stepfathers I: Reports from Albuquerque Men

We present a biosocial model of human male parental care that allows male parental allocations to be influenced not only by changes in the fitness (welfare) of the recipient offspring, but also by their effects on the man's relationship with the child's mother. The model recognizes four classes of relationships between males and the children they parent: genetic offspring of current mates (combined relationship and parental effort), genetic offspring of previous mates (parental effort solely), step offspring of current mates (relationship effort solely), and stepchildren of previous mates (essentially no expected investment). We test the model using data on parental investments collected from adult males living in Albuquerque, New Mexico, U.S.A. Four measures of paternal investment are examined: the probability that a child attends college (2,191 offspring), the probability that a child who attends college receives money for it (N = 1,212), current financial expenditures on children (N = 635), and the amount of time per week that men spend with children ages 5 to 12 years (N = 2,589). The tests are consistent with a role for relationship effort in parental care: men invest more in the children of their current mates, even when coresidence with offspring is not a confounder.     

Establishment of Legal Paternity for Children of Unmarried American Women

The establishment of a legal father for children of unmarried parents reflects both high paternity confidence and male willingness to commit to paternal investment. Whether an unmarried man voluntarily acknowledges paternity after a child is born has important consequences for both the mother and child. This paper brings to bear a life history perspective on paternity establishment, noting that men face trade-offs between mating and parental effort and that women will adjust their investment in children based on expected male investment. I predict that paternity establishment will be more likely when the mother has high socioeconomic status, when maternal health is good, and when the child is male, low parity, or a singleton (versus multiple) birth. I further predict that establishment of paternity will be associated with increased maternal investment in offspring, resulting in healthier babies with higher birthweights who are more likely to be breastfed. These predictions are tested using data on 5.4 million births in the United States from 2009 through 2013. Overall the results are consistent with the hypothesis that the trade-offs men face between reproductive and parental investment influence whether men voluntarily acknowledge paternity when a child is born.     

Father absence, parental care, and female reproductive development

This study examines female reproductive development from an evolutionary life history perspective. Retrospective data are for 10,847 U.S. women. Results indicate that timing of parental separation is associated with reproductive development and is not confounded with socioeconomic variables or phenotypic correlations with mothers' reproductive behavior. Divorce/separation between birth and 5 years predicted early menarche, first sexual intercourse, first pregnancy, and shorter duration of first marriage. Separation in adolescence was the strongest predictor of number of sex partners. Multiple changes in childhood caretaking environment were associated with early menarche, first sex, first pregnancy, greater number of sex partners, and shorter duration of marriage. Living with either the father or mother after separation had similar effect on reproductive development. Living with a stepfather showed a weak, but significant, association with reproductive development, however, duration of stepfather exposure was not a significant predictor of development. Difference in amount and quality of direct parental care (vs. indirect parental investment) in two- and single-parent households may be the primary factor linking family environment to reproductive development.     

Confidence of paternity,divorce, and investment in children by Albuquerque men

Using a sample of men living in Albuquerque, NM, we examined the relationship between paternity confidence and men's investment in children. In humans, men may reduce their investment in a child in two ways: indirectly, by ending their relationship with the child's mother and ceasing to cohabit with the child (e.g., divorce), and directly, by allocating less time and fewer resources to the child. In this article, we tested two hypotheses regarding the effect of paternity confidence on investment in children: (1) men will be more likely to divorce women if they suspect or are sure that they are not the father of their wife's child, and (2) controlling for divorce, men will reduce direct investments in low paternity confidence children relative to high paternity confidence children. The first hypothesis was supported by the data. The second hypothesis was supported for two out of three measures of paternal investment we examined; low paternity confidence reduces the time men spend with a child in a group with other children or adults, and it reduces extensive involvement with the child's educational progress; there was no effect of paternity confidence on the amount of time men spend with children in one-on-one interactions. We also examined the effects of unstated paternity confidence (e.g., when men decline to answer the question) on divorce and paternal investment. Overall, the results suggested that paternity confidence plays an important role in shaping men's relationships with women and with their putative genetic children.     

Why does paternal death accelerate the transition to first marriage in the C18-C19 Krummhörn population?

Among the population of the Krummhörn region (Ostfriesland, Germany) in the 18th and 19th centuries, the death of the father in the family led on average to the accelerated marriage of his children. Three evolutionary explanations are offered for this “paternal absence” effect in the literature: namely, (i) the assumption of an adaptive “psychosocial acceleration” of the children with prepubertal experience of uncertainty; (ii) an opportunistic adjustment of life and reproduction decisions as an adaptive reaction to the personal cost–benefit balances that are changed by the father's death; and (iii) given the genetic parent–offspring conflict, an increase in the reproductive autonomy of offspring after the loss of the dominant father figure. Our models, which are based on the analyses of the vital statistics data derived from church registers and tax rolls and compiled into a family reconstitution study, attribute the greatest explanatory power for the patterns found in the Krummhörn to the opportunistic adjustment approach (ii).     

The effect of paternal investment on female fertility intention in South Korea

Life history theory views reproduction as an outcome of resource allocation. The allocation of resources such as parental investments of time, energy and material resources involves trade-offs between number of offspring and timing of reproduction. Within the framework of mammalian parental investment, the outstanding feature of human reproduction is the high level of paternal care. Although empirical evidence suggests that human paternal investment may have evolved as a reproductive strategy to reduce infant and child mortality rates, the effects of actual paternal investment, including allocating time to child care, on female reproductive decisions have received relatively little attention. We examined the trade-off from two perspectives using a representative sample of married South Korean women aged 20–44 in 2005 (n=977). First, paternal investment in domestic labor, including child care and housework, was expected to be associated with women's preference regarding future reproduction. Second, relative paternal investment was expected to increase women's preference for future reproduction, especially among employed women. We found that increased paternal investment in child care and housework remarkably enhanced women's intention to have a second child, especially among employed women. In addition, although family members provide a low percentage of child care in South Korea, such help is likely to be a useful resource for second childbirth among employed women. Somewhat expectedly, older age and longer time since first birth had negative effects on women's second-child intention. There is growing evidence that, in the lowest fertility societies, paternal investment may be an essential resource for promoting future reproductive behavior of women, especially employed women.     

Implications of Advancing Paternal Age: Does It Affect Offspring School Performance?

Average paternal age is increasing in many high income countries, but the implications of this demographic shift for child health and welfare are poorly understood. There is equivocal evidence that children of older fathers are at increased risk of neurodevelopmental disorders and reduced IQ. We therefore report here on the relationship between paternal age and a composite indicator of scholastic achievement during adolescence, i.e. compulsory school leaving grades, among recent birth cohorts in Stockholm County where delayed paternity is notably common. We performed a record-linkage study comprising all individuals in Stockholm County who finished 9 years of compulsory school from 2000 through 2007 (n = 155,875). Data on school leaving grades and parental characteristics were retrieved from administrative and health service registers and analyzed using multiple linear regression. Advancing paternal age at birth was not associated with a decrease in school leaving grades in adolescent offspring. After adjustment for year of graduation, maternal age and parental education, country of birth and parental mental health service use, offspring of fathers aged 50 years or older had on average 0.3 (95% CI −3.8, 4.4) points higher grades than those of fathers aged 30–34 years. In conclusion, advancing paternal age is not associated with poorer school performance in adolescence. Adverse effects of delayed paternity on offspring cognitive function, if any, may be counterbalanced by other potential advantages for children born to older fathers.     

Effect of number, order, and spacing of siblings on child and adult outcomes: an overview of current research

The impact of the number, order, and spacing of siblings on child and adult outcomes has been the topic of research by scholars in 4 separate fields (human biology, psychology, sociology, and economics), and the barriers to communication between academic disciplines are strong. Also most researchers have had to work with data sets gathered for other purposes. This has resulted in a relative inadequacy of research. Social scientists have 3 theories concerning the relationship between the number, order, and spacing of siblings and child and adult outcomes: that an increase in the number of siblings or a decrease in the spacing between them dilutes the time and material resources that parents can give to each child and that these resource dilutions hinder the outcome for each child; that account must be taken not only of parental resources but also of the resources given to each child by his/her siblings; and that there is no causal relationship between number, order and spacing of siblings and child outcomes and that any apparent relationships are spurious. In light of these theories, the question arises as to how should the sibling variables be measured. The most important aspect of sibling number is that it is a variable over time. Yet, the proper measurement of sibling number has an additional complication. According to all existing theories, the ages of the other siblings are relevant for the outcome for the given child. All of the relevant information is now available only when it is possible to construct a matrix in which the rows present the age of the given child and the columns the age grouping of the siblings for whom a count of sibling number will be made. Many such matrices could be developed, some much more elaborate than others. For illustrative purposes, Table 1 presents the matrix of the number of siblings for a child who is the first-born among 5 children, all of whom are spaced exactly 3 years apart and all of whom are financially dependent only up to exact age 21. Table 2 presents the matrix for the last-born child among 5 children with characteristics identical to those in Table 1. It can be inferred from these tables that the oldest child in the family, as compared to the youngest child, probably will suffer from a diminution of parental resources, most likely financial resources, in adolescence. The youngest will suffer from a reduction of parental resources, probably time resources, in infancy and early childhood. Research concerned with the consequences of the number and spacing of children should be based on data sets for which some version of this matrix can be constructed.     

Parenting and Cultures of Risk: A Comparative Analysis of Infidelity, Aggression, and Witchcraft

Parenting behavior may respond flexibly to environmental risk to help prepare children for the environment they can expect to face as adults. In hazardous environments where child outcomes are unpredictable, unresponsive parenting could be adaptive. Child development associated with parenting practices, in turn, may influence cultural patterns related to insecurity and aggression (which we call the "risk-response model"). We test these propositions in a cross-cultural analysis. The Standard Cross-Cultural Sample (SCCS) includes indicators of parental responsiveness: father–infant sleeping proximity, father involvement, parental response to infant crying, and breastfeeding duration (age at weaning). Unresponsive parenting was associated with cultural models including greater acceptance of extramarital sex, aggression, theft, and witchcraft. Socialization practices in later childhood were not better predictors of the outcomes than was earlier parenting. We conclude that some cultural adaptations appear rooted in parenting practices that affect child development.     

Paternity cues and mating opportunities: what makes fathers good?

Human males provide facultative paternal investment to their offspring; that is, the male care is not necessary for the survival of his offspring. It is expected that the degree of male investment (1) increases with growing paternity certainty, (2) increases when investment increases the survival and later reproductive prospect of offspring and (3) declines when there are opportunities to mate with multiple females. Using a large sample of adult offspring and their fathers (n = 245), we first investigated the role of two factors possibly involved in the assessment of paternity and subsequently regulating the level of paternal investment: (a) father–child facial resemblance and (b) assortative mating for eye colour. Second, because mating opportunities are inversely related to paternal investment, we also investigated how male facial attractiveness (a cue of mate opportunities) correlates with paternal investment. In line with paternal investment theory, male investment positively correlated with offspring facial resemblance. However, paternal investment were neither higher among blue-eyed couples, nor there were preferences of blue-eyed men to marry with blue-eyed women. Moreover, father facial attractiveness was unrelated to paternal investment. These results indicate that resemblance between offspring and their fathers still plays an important role in paternal investment decision later in offspring’s life.     

Exploring the Relation of Harsh Parental Discipline with Child Emotional and Behavioral Problems by Using Multiple Informants. The Generation R Study

Parental harsh disciplining, like corporal punishment, has consistently been associated with adverse mental health outcomes in children. It remains a challenge to accurately assess the consequences of harsh discipline, as researchers and clinicians generally rely on parent report of young children''s problem behaviors. If parents rate their parenting styles and their child''s behavior this may bias results. The use of child self-report on problem behaviors is not common but may provide extra information about the relation of harsh parental discipline and problem behavior. We examined the independent contribution of young children''s self-report above parental report of emotional and behavioral problems in a study of maternal and paternal harsh discipline in a birth cohort. Maternal and paternal harsh discipline predicted both parent reported behavioral and parent reported emotional problems, but only child reported behavioral problems. Associations were not explained by pre-existing behavioral problems at age 3. Importantly, the association with child reported outcomes was independent from parent reported problem behavior. These results suggest that young children''s self-reports of behavioral problems provide unique information on the effects of harsh parental discipline. Inclusion of child self-reports can therefore help estimate the effects of harsh parental discipline more accurately.     

Is There a Case in Favour of Predictive Genetic Testing in Young Children?

Genetic testing technology has brought the ability to predict the onset of diseases many years before symptoms appear and the use of such predictive testing is now widespread. The medical fraternity has met the application of this practice to children with caution. The justification for their predominantly prohibitive stance has revolved around the lack of a readily identifiable medical benefit in the face of potential psychological harms to the child. We argue that predictive testing can have important psychosocial benefits and that the interests of the child have been construed too narrowly. Proponents of a prohibitive stance also argue that testing in childhood breaches the child's future right to make the same decision as an autonomous adult and to maintain this information as confidential. We argue that predictive genetic testing of children is not necessarily a violation of the child's future autonomy. Indeed, in some cases, such testing may facilitate the development of autonomy in the maturing child. We argue that parents are generally best placed to judge what is in their own child's overall interests, and that a parental request for testing after appropriate genetic counselling should be respected unless there is clear evidence that the child will be harmed in an overall sense as a result of testing.     

Child development; problems of discipline,authority and rebellion

It is only through the love and approval of the significant adults in a child's life that he is able to give up his primitive behavior for that which meets the demands of social living. Conflict over authority is only one of many conflicts. There are conflicts which arise inherently in a child's development. The task of the parents in the education of the child in our society is to enable the child to tolerate a certain amount of frustration and also a necessary degree of control of impulses so that he can live in a group and in conformity with the required standards. Increased rebelliousness and defiance are normally characteristic of certain periods of development in healthy children. These are when concerted discipline begins, and in early adolescence. But other events also may reactivate or stimulate attitudes of defiance and rebellion. Even in his rebellion, a child needs and expects his parents to stand for order, as well as for love. He expects that the parent will save him from the consequences of his own destructive impulses, which he as yet may not have the strength to withstand.Deep-seated or submerged factors in the parents may play a significant role in the discipline to which they subject their children. True permissiveness means allowing a child to develop according to his own rate of speed and his own potentialities as a unique individual. It includes refusing the child any type of behavior that will bring danger to him or to others.A parent who uses harsh and rigid forms of discipline may force a child into submission, rather than acceptance and understanding. This produces only surface conformity which hides insecurity and violent underlying destructiveness.