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1.
This paper summarises the research methodology and most important results of a study which was carried out on flowering plant depictions (representations) in late medieval religious paintings from southern central Europe. This approach derives from the studies of material culture by historians of everyday life. Plant depictions may be used as a source for archaeobotanical research and studies into vegetation history after fully recognising their particularities. Firstly, the pictures show “the reality effect” and not reality itself, and an abundance of apparently realistically depicted objects; secondly, the research must be fully contextual, considering both the contemporary cultural background and participants involved. Thirdly, as pictures are great mosaics of different experience and knowledge, their language is symbolic and their relationship with geographical space uncertain. This, however, does not mean that reading and interpreting pictures is impossible. The major results of this study include the list of plant species not discovered from archaeobotanical research; the knowledge that the frequencies of occurrence of plant depictions might correspond to their occurrence in real cultural spaces that also may be indicated in pictures; and it highlights the importance of using several types of sources when pursuing research into the history, uses and perceptions of plants in the medieval period.  相似文献   

2.
Remains of fruit stones of Celtis australis were found at Iron Age Tel Rehov, Israel. Also, wood fragments from Iron Age Tel Rehov and Tel Jezreel are recorded. The fruits are edible, the wood is useful for house building and tool production, and the tree is an important element in local folklore and ethnography. The archaeobotanical finds strengthen the view that the tree is indigenous to the Levant.  相似文献   

3.
This paper reviews the archaeobotanical research conducted on the plant material recovered from the Iceman′s body, his garment and equipment, as well as that from the sediments of the gully in which the body was discovered more than 15 years ago. These recent results are discussed against the background of the archaeological findings during the last few years and disclose both conformities and discrepancies of the disciplinary-centred views. In particular the archaeobotanical results concerning the season of death as well as the taphonomic interpretation of the find assemblage give cause for controversial discussions and constitute the future research focus. Furthermore, the singularity of this discovery demands an evaluation of the archaeobotanical findings within a circum-alpine context to reveal the representativeness of this find assemblage for the inner alpine Neolithic. This was the objective of a specific symposium at the 17th International Botanical Congress in Vienna in 2005.  相似文献   

4.
The site of Balma Guilanyà (southeastern Spain) records an extensive human occupation during the beginning of MIS 1, based on a variety of archaeobotanical indicators, although its sequence contains gaps in the record of human occupation. The study of different archaeological proxies recovered from its sequence, especially charcoal, seeds and fruits, allows analysis of the ecological changes that occurred at the southern flanks of the Pyrenees from the Bølling/Allerød amelioration to the Boreal. The analyses also illuminate the strategies developed by hunter-gatherers of the northeastern Iberian Peninsula, and especially of the changes in firewood used at this site over a long time (over 5000 years), which indirectly provide information about the transformation of the plant communities of mountain ecosystems. In parallel, a growing interest in re-collecting wild fruits can be perceived. The results suggest that this activity was widely in use during the early Holocene, although it may go back to the Allerød. These results suggest that despite the limitations of the archaeobotanical record of Balma Guilanyà, we can recognize different patterns in the management of plant resources by the hunter-gatherers that intermittently visited this site.  相似文献   

5.
This study addresses changes in health which were consequential to the Neolithic transition in the southern Levant, judged on the basis of the study of specific and nonspecific stress indicators, trauma, and degenerative joint disease in 200 Natufian (hunter‐gatherer) skeletons (10,500–8300 BC) and 205 Neolithic (agricultural) skeletons (8300–5500 BC) from the southern Levant. The comparison of the health profiles of pre‐Neolithic (Natufian) and Neolithic populations reveals a higher prevalence of lesions indicative of infectious diseases among the Neolithic population, and an overall reduction in the prevalence of skull trauma among males. No change over time was observed in the prevalence of degenerative joint disease. These results indicate that in the southern Levant the Neolithic transition did not simply lead to an overall deterioration in health but rather resulted in a complex health profile which was shaped by 1) an increase exposure to disease agents, 2) changes in diet, 3) population aggregation in larger and denser settlements, 4) changes in activity patterns and the division of labor, and possibly 5) a higher resistant immunological system and response capacity to environmental aggressions (mainly infections). Am J Phys Anthropol 143:121–133, 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

6.
We used supernetworks with datasets of nuclear gene sequences and novel markers detecting retrotransposon insertions in ribosomal DNA loci to reassess the evolutionary relationships among tetraploid wheats. We show that domesticated emmer has a reticulated genetic ancestry, sharing phylogenetic signals with wild populations from all parts of the wild range. The extent of the genetic reticulation cannot be explained by post-domestication gene flow between cultivated emmer and wild plants, and the phylogenetic relationships among tetraploid wheats are incompatible with simple linear descent of the domesticates from a single wild population. A more parsimonious explanation of the data is that domesticated emmer originates from a hybridized population of different wild lineages. The observed diversity and reticulation patterns indicate that wild emmer evolved in the southern Levant, and that the wild emmer populations in south-eastern Turkey and the Zagros Mountains are relatively recent reticulate descendants of a subset of the Levantine wild populations. Based on our results we propose a new model for the emergence of domesticated emmer. During a pre-domestication period, diverse wild populations were collected from a large area west of the Euphrates and cultivated in mixed stands. Within these cultivated stands, hybridization gave rise to lineages displaying reticulated genealogical relationships with their ancestral populations. Gradual movement of early farmers out of the Levant introduced the pre-domesticated reticulated lineages to the northern and eastern parts of the Fertile Crescent, giving rise to the local wild populations but also facilitating fixation of domestication traits. Our model is consistent with the protracted and dispersed transition to agriculture indicated by the archaeobotanical evidence, and also with previous genetic data affiliating domesticated emmer with the wild populations in southeast Turkey. Unlike other protracted models, we assume that humans played an intuitive role throughout the process.  相似文献   

7.
During the last decade, a new type of structure has been found at several archaeological sites in Denmark. These structures can be interpreted as having been used for retting the stems of textile plants such as Linum usitatissimum L. (flax), Cannabis sativa L. (hemp) and Urtica dioica L. (nettle). In order to obtain fine threads for textile production, these plants need to pass through several biological and technical processes. The first process is the retting of the plant stems to dissolve the pectin which fixes the fibres to the stalk. This can either be done by water retting, where the plant stems are soaked in lakes, rivers or waterlogged pits, or by field retting, where the stems are laid out in a field in order to absorb dew. The first method is shorter in time and the process is easier to control. In this article, details of archaeological structures are presented from eight sites in southern Scandinavia that can be interpreted as textile plant retting pits. The constructions of the pits are described, as well as the archaeological contexts and the relevant associated archaeobotanical records. Some of the presented sites, of which the oldest are dated to the late Bronze Age and early pre-Roman Iron Age (800–250 b.c.) and the youngest to the Viking Age (a.d. 750–1050), indicate a large-scale production of flax that had been underestimated up to now.  相似文献   

8.
This paper reports the archaeobotanical data from the so-called Vasca Ducale (Ducal Pit), a brick rubbish pit discovered in the basal floor of the ducal palace of Ferrara, Emilia-Romagna, northern Italy. It was in use during the second half of the 15th century a.d. when the rich and powerful Este family inhabited the palace. Therefore, the results help to investigate the eating customs of a Renaissance court. The pit fill largely consisted of zoological remains, especially small bones and shellfish, with mainly waterlogged plant remains and some artefacts. Though the seed/fruit concentration was not high, a long list of taxa was identified of which the largest part belonged to food and ornamental plants. The data suggest that the pit was used for the disposal of dining waste and floor sweepings. The archaeobotanical data are compared with those obtained from other medieval sites in the city, and with two Renaissance sources of documentary evidence, the frescos in the Salone dei Mesi (Room of the months) in Ferrara’s Palazzo Schifanoia, and the cookbook by Cristoforo da Messisbugo, chef at the Este court. The archaeobotanical record of the Vasca Ducale (Ducal Pit) proved to be quite different from the other sites in Ferrara, especially because of the presence of luxury or exotic foods such as, for example, Punica granatum, Prunus armeniaca and Coriandrum sativum.  相似文献   

9.
Anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens) dispersed out of Africa roughly 120,000 years ago and again after 75,000 years ago. The early dispersal was geographically restricted to the Arabian Peninsula, Levant, and possibly parts of southern Asia. The later dispersal was ultimately global in scope, including areas not previously occupied by Homo. One explanation for the contrast between the two out‐of‐Africa dispersals is that the modern humans who expanded into Eurasia 120,000 years ago lacked the functionally and structurally complex technology of recent hunter‐gatherers. This technology, which includes, for example, mechanical projectiles, snares and traps, and sewn clothing, provides not only expanded dietary breadth and increased rates of foraging efficiency and success in places where plant and animal productivity is low, but protection from cold weather in places where winter temperatures are low. The absence of complex technology before 75,000 years ago also may explain why modern humans in the Levant did not develop sedentary settlements and agriculture 120,000 years ago (i.e., during the Last Interglacial).  相似文献   

10.
Although chemical analyses of textile remains have traced the use of Isatis tinctoria L. (woad) back to the Neolithic period, archaeobotanical remains of the plant are scarce in north-western Europe, especially in France. A new discovery in the rural settlement of Roissy, north of Paris, raises the question of local cultivation of woad from at least the fifth–fourth century b.c. (La Tène A/B1) in northern Gaul. The plant assemblage comes from the filling of a storage pit, which also included a wide variety of cultivated plants. These data represent a valuable contribution to the study of the circumstances of the adoption of woad as a new crop.  相似文献   

11.

Through archaeobotanical analysis and discussion of the abundant charred macrofossils in samples from a burnt down four-post structure at an Early Roman Iron Age farmstead (ad 1-150) at Kulerup, Sjælland (Zealand) in Denmark, this article aims to shed new light upon the functions of this type of structure in Denmark. Based on the analysis of the distribution of charred plant remains there, it is argued that at the time the structure was destroyed by fire it was being used for storing cereals, which were possibly unthreshed. Supplemented by archaeological evidence as well as archaeobotanical records from a number of other Bronze and Iron Age four-post structures from northwest Europe, the plant macrofossil assemblage from Kulerup reinforces the interpretation of these structures for storage of plant products. Four- and multiple post structures are known as parts of farm units well into historical times, and so comparative historical records are also considered as a source of information about their primary functions.

  相似文献   

12.
This paper presents archaeobotanical results from the Neolithic levels (5,300–4,000 b.c.) of two recently excavated sites in northern Iberia: El Mirón cave (Cantabria) and the open-air site of Los Cascajos (Navarra). A cereal grain from El Mirón is currently the earliest domesticated plant remain from this region. Despite the large number of samples examined, plant remains are few. They include basically cereals (Triticum monococcum, T. dicoccum, T. aestivum/durum/turgidum and Hordeum vulgare) and some nuts and fruits (Corylus avellana, Quercus sp., Vitis sp., etc.). The presence of free-threshing wheats at El Mirón opens up an interesting subject for debate, as until now naked wheats have been absent from the early Neolithic archaeobotanical record of the coastal Cantabrian region. Hulled wheat chaff is the main plant component from Los Cascajos, south of the Cantabrian Cordillera in Navarra, indicating waste from processing activities. The association of barley almost exclusively with both a burial and a ritual vase in Los Cascajos could be related specific rituals or ceremonies.  相似文献   

13.
Populations of the Chalcolithic Levant as defined by archaeological excavations has in many cases reinforced the traditional scheme that a number of “races” are present. This scheme is usually based not only on differential cultural traditions as identified by archeologists, but also on the available skeletal evidence as discussed by physical anthropologists. Recently this view has been challenged and it has been suggested that the metrical and anatomical range of variability as identified within Chalcolithic populations can be subsumed into a single population or “racial” range. This paper examines both the available biological and archaeological evidence from the Chalcolithic Levant and concludes that there is no strong archaeological or biological evidence to support a multiple “racial” origin for the Chalcolithic of the Levant.  相似文献   

14.
Recent archaeobotanical investigations of Late Neolithic sites in northern Greece have revealed a pattern as regards the crop parts represented at each site. Some sites appear to be dominated by chaff, mainly glume wheat chaff, while other sites are mainly characterised by cereal grain and pulses. This pattern could be the outcome of various factors: a. pre-depositional differential treatment of crops selecting for one category of plant remains to arrive at the site, b. depositional, therefore related to the type of activity represented at the excavated contexts and the use of space in relation to plants, and c. post-depositional factors such as erosion, or the type of features sampled. These alternative factors are considered in light of the preliminary results of the archaeobotanical investigation of seven Late Neolithic (5500–4000 cal. B.C.) sites from northern Greece. It is suggested that this pattern is the outcome of a differential use of space in relation to plants (storage, processing/food preparation, refuse disposal), probably related to aspects of the socioeconomic organisation of the settlements.  相似文献   

15.
To many Near Eastern archaeologists, the Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age transition in the southern Levant indicates the emergence of a new ethnicity. The question remains, however, whether changes in the material culture are the result of an invasion of foreigners, or instead arose from shifting cultural and technical practices by indigenous peoples. This study utilized dental morphological traits to assess phenetic relationships between the Late Bronze Age site of Dothan (1500-1100 BC) and the Iron Age II site of Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir, 701 BC). Information on 30 dental crown and root traits was collected for 4,412 teeth, representing 392 individuals from Lachish and a minimum of 121 individuals from Dothan, using the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System. Seventeen traits from Dothan and Lachish were compared with dentitions from a Byzantine Jerusalem monastery, Iron Age Italy, a Natufian group (early agrarians from the Levant), and a Middle Kingdom Egyptian site using C.A.B. Smith's mean measure of divergence statistic. The findings suggest that there are more similarities between Dothan and Lachish than either of them and other sites. This analysis indicates that the material culture changes were not the result of a foreign invasion. Rather, the Iron Age people of the southern Levant were related to their Bronze Age predecessors.  相似文献   

16.
This paper presents an overview of archaeobotanical finds of Linum usitatissimum from Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece, bringing together published records of this plant as well as some recently retrieved, unpublished finds. In addition, charred flax seed concentrations from five prehistoric sites from the region of Macedonia in northern Greece, are examined in detail. The Neolithic sites are Makriyalos, Mandalo, Arkadikos, Dikili Tash, dated to the Late and Final Neolithic and Archondiko, dated to the end of the Early Bronze Age. Archaeobotanical composition and contextual information are used in order to explore the cultivation and potential uses of flax at each site. By the 5th millennium b.c. a flax weed flora had probably developed in the region. The use of flax seed for oil extraction and flax stems for flax fibre preparation can only be speculated upon and these uses are discussed within the context of other archaeological finds related to plant oil production and weaving. It is also possible that flax may have been used for medicinal purposes. Despite a striking paucity in archaeobotanical remains from southern Greece, textual evidence available from the Mycenean palace archives in Linear B clearly documents the cultivation of flax and flax fibre production.  相似文献   

17.
We present archaeobotanical data from the early Islamic era (ca. a.d. 750–1400) obtained from excavations at Essouk-Tadmakka, an important trans-Saharan trading town site in the West African Sahel and an early centre of the Tuareg. The paper provides insight into a little researched area of arid zone medieval West Africa and presents practically the only substantive archaeobotanical evidence of the medieval Tuareg. The evidence firstly enables us to shed greater light on the Arabic historical references to traditions of wild cereal gathering at Essouk-Tadmakka. It also establishes the presence at the site of a range of important taxa, including pearl millet, date, balanites, cotton and linseed, as well as a host of other fruits, legumes (Fabaceae) and wild plants. Perhaps the most striking finding is the earliest and largest archaeobotanical data set for wheat in West Africa. In addition to providing the first archaeobotanically based discussion of Essouk-Tadmakka’s gathering traditions, agriculture, and grain importation, we also seek to highlight certain evidence for change over time in the archaeobotany recovered. The data seems to suggest that towards the end of the site’s occupation (ca. a.d. 1300) there was a shift to increased presence of fruit and legumes and more limited presence of cereals, and we attempt to relate this to wider shifts in Sahelian culture at this time.  相似文献   

18.
The domestication of emmer wheat (Triticum turgidum spp. dicoccoides, genomes BBAA) was one of the key events during the emergence of agriculture in southwestern Asia, and was a prerequisite for the evolution of durum and common wheat. Single- and multilocus genotypes based on restriction fragment length polymorphism at 131 loci were analyzed to describe the structure of populations of wild and domesticated emmer and to generate a picture of emmer domestication and its subsequent diffusion across Asia, Europe and Africa. Wild emmer consists of two populations, southern and northern, each further subdivided. Domesticated emmer mirrors the geographic subdivision of wild emmer into the northern and southern populations and also shows an additional structure in both regions. Gene flow between wild and domesticated emmer occurred across the entire area of wild emmer distribution. Emmer was likely domesticated in the Diyarbakir region in southeastern Turkey, which was followed by subsequent hybridization and introgression from wild to domesticated emmer in southern Levant. A less likely scenario is that emmer was domesticated independently in the Diyarbakir region and southern Levant, and the Levantine genepool was absorbed into the genepool of domesticated emmer diffusing from southeastern Turkey. Durum wheat is closely related to domesticated emmer in the eastern Mediterranean and likely originated there. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.  相似文献   

19.
At present there are substantial amounts of archaeological and archaeobotanical data from the Late Neolithic wetland settlements of southern Germany on the oil and fibre plant flax (Linum usitatissimum L.). This is the result of 30 years of intensive excavations and research in 53 settlement areas. This article, on the one hand, will present the significance of flax remains, products made of flax and the inventory of relevant tools for evidence of and reconstruction of the flax production processes. On the other hand, based on the quantitative analysis of flax remains, the changing significance of this important cultivated plant during the course of the Late Neolithic will be demonstrated. From this it will be evident that textile production and in particular flax processing were part of a decisive upheaval in cultural development that initiated the transition to the middle phase of the Late Neolithic in the fields of agriculture and technology.  相似文献   

20.
In this paper we report on the first 14C dated archaeological seeds from the island of Newfoundland, Canada. Ninety-three archaeobotanical specimens were recovered from a midden deposit adjacent to a small dwelling at Point Riche (EeBi-20), a large Dorset Palaeoeskimo site near Port au Choix, northwestern Newfoundland. These remains were collected from a seemingly secure context within the midden, but AMS 14C testing of a sample of specimens produced modern 14C dates, indicating that the remains are intrusive to the Dorset occupation. While the majority of Newfoundland-based research assumes antiquity of archaeobotanical remains, we recommend using AMS 14C dating and other proxy data in future archaeobotanical studies to confirm antiquity prior to making interpretations regarding human–plant interactions.  相似文献   

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