毕摩,传承着人对自然的敬仰

毕摩一词．因彝语方言土语的差异,有白马、贝玛、笔姆等不同的音译．因对其认识理解的不同．还有法师、鬼主、祭司、巫师等意译。“毕”．是一个多重称指词．一指法事．是彝族原始宗教各种崇拜礼仪和行为的总称;二指神职人员毕摩,三指彝族古代政权组织中主持祭典和文化教育的职官及人员。“摩”,义为师、老者。     

彝族信仰习俗中的性巫术与性崇拜

彝族信仰习俗中的性巫术与性崇拜李世康（）性是人类和动植物繁衍延续的基本条件。人类对性的最初探索和认识，始于原始母系社会或更早的时期，当原始人类开始关注“两种生产”（即种的繁衍和物质生活资料的生产）时，对性的探索便开始了。这可以认为是性学的萌芽时期。由...     

我国汉族和彝族rRNA基因多态性的研究

人类ｒＤＮＡ顺序既偏偏保守性积蓄高的转录区,又有变异性较大的不转录间隔区。随着对ｒＤＮＡ结构的不断认识,发现对不转录间隔区特征的研究在分子群体遗传学上具有重要的价值。我们运用ｒＤＮＡ基因探针和Ｓｏｕｔｈｅｒｎ印迹法对甸汉族和彝族ｒＲＮＡ基因３＇端不转录间隔区作多态性分析,ＲＦＬＰ特征揭示两个民族有广泛的共性,又有各自的特点,这一遗传标志对少数民族群体遗传学乃至我国民族的迁移和演化的研究有重要意义。     

刘先生,我们想念您

药典留济世惠馈神州轻名利殚智献科章桃李瀛寰多硕果中国生物物理学会自由基生物学与医学专业委员会刘耕陶院士因病医治无效,于2010年2月27日22时18分在北京协和医院逝世!惊闻噩耗,我们悲痛万分!他的离去是我国医药卫生界的重大损失,也是我国自由基生物学与医学研究领域的重大损失!     

皮皮狐,我们走

<正>大家好,我是无所不能、无处不在的火狐狸姐姐。最近我去北极考察,认识了一只叫作皮皮的北极狐。它安静而貌美,还和我的名字一样,里面都有一个狐字,所以当它号称是我前世的宠物时,我大惊失色,随即美滋滋地承认:那肯定是真的!我们"相认"之后发生了一系列的故事,我们的感情也在相处过程中越来越好。会"飞"的狐狸有一天,我正在雪地里追踪一只雪兔。路过一处冰川时,我听见了皮皮狐的声音。嗯,皮皮狐就是北极狐皮皮的简称。我下意识地停下脚步,伸长耳朵,打算听它在说什么。     

周口店,我们在发掘

缘起 周口店、＂北京人＂、猿人洞,这些人们耳熟能详的名字,将我们牵引到龙骨山这个古人类圣地,上世纪二三十年代这里全球瞩目的考古发现至今仍令人津津乐道,对于现在的考古工作者来说,能够亲手发掘那古老的地层则是一种向往。如今,我们很幸运地能有机会在周口店第1地点开展新的工作：     

我们的节日和习俗

李述华(男 34岁 河南村):"这组照片主要照的是竖房上时上梁的场面。要摆好一些供品(馒头、猪头、烟酒、茶、糖、一小斗谷子、小彩旗和送木匠师傅的衣服),首先要把村里的老年男人都请来拜梁;师傅用公鸡血冠来滴在中梁上,点在龙头、龙尾、中间,然后一边喊一边爬上房顶,开始拉梁,放鞭炮。放好梁后要在梁上洒酒、钱、五谷等,再丢馒     

转山,我们对自然的敬畏

玛玛(女 49岁 雨崩村):我们正跋涉在山路之上,不畏艰辛和劳累,只求心灵的解脱。     

四川彝族和新疆维族HLA-B位点基因多态性分析

应用PCR-SSP(Polymerase Chain Reaction-Sequence Specific Primer) 方法对无亲缘关系的106位四川彝族样品和110位新疆维族样品进行HLA-B基因分型。在彝族样品中共检出20个等位基因,其中高频率的等位基因为B*40（0.2028）、B*15（0.1604）、B*51(0.1274),低频率的等位基因为B*47 (0.0189)、B*27(0.0142)、B*44(0.0142)、B*18(0.0094)和B*78(0.0047)。在维族样品中共检出27个等位基因,其中高频率的等位基因为B*35 (0.1136)和B*51（0.1136）,低频率的等位基因为B*41（0.0045）、B*56（0.0045）和B*78（0.0091）。经χ2检验,两个民族群体的基因型分布均符合Hardy-Weinberg平衡。经遗传分析,四川彝族群体HLA-B基因座杂合度(H)、个体识别率(DP)和非父排除率(EP)分别为0.8977、0.9661和0.8009;维族群体的H、DP和EP分别为0.9372、0.9857和0.8732。本研究获得了四川彝族和新疆维族HL A-B基因座基因频率数据,为临床器官移植配型、人类学、法医学及疾病关联性研究提供了重要的群体遗传学资料。     

肯尼亚,让我们醉了

<正>2014年7月底8月初、9月底10月初,我们两次前往非洲东部国家——肯尼亚,"游猎"(Safari)了马赛马拉(Maasai Mara)、奥·肯耶(Ol Kinyei)、安博塞利(Amboseli)、纳库鲁(Nakuru)、纳瓦莎(N a i v a s h a)、博戈里亚(Borgoria)、肯尼亚山(Mt.Kenya)、甜水(Sweet waters)、奥·佩杰塔(Ol Pejeta)、桑布鲁(Samburu)等十余个国家公园、自然保护区、私人保护区或狩猎     

Religion against the Self: An Ethnography of Tamil Rituals.

Religion against the Self: An Ethnography of Tamil Rituals. Isabelle Nabokov. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000. 230 pp.     

Rituals,Repetitiveness and Cognitive Load

A central hypothesis to account for the ubiquity of rituals across cultures is their supposed anxiolytic effects: rituals being maintained because they reduce existential anxiety and uncertainty. We aimed to test the anxiolytic effects of rituals by investigating two possible underlying mechanisms for it: cognitive load and repetitive movement. In our pre-registered experiment (osf.io/rsu9x), 180 undergraduates took part in either a stress or a control condition and were subsequently assigned to either control, cognitive load, undirected movement, a combination of undirected movement and cognitive load, or a ritualistic intervention. Using both repeated self-report measures and continuous physiological indicators of anxiety, we failed to find direct support for a cognitive suppression effect of anxiety through ritualistic behavior. Nevertheless, we found that induced stress increased participants’ subsequent repetitive behavior, which in turn reduced physiological arousal. This study provides novel evidence for plausible underlying effects of the proposed anxiolytic effect of rituals: repetitive behavior but not cognitive load may decrease physiological stress responses during ritual.     

Cultural Rules, Rituals, and Behavior Regulation

While it is generally agreed that culture and biology are both relevant to an understanding of human behavior, there is little consensus about the appropriate use of reductionist procedures. Disagreement abounds concerning the nature of the interaction and the relative contribution of distal and proximal mechanisms. An understanding of such issues may emerge only with long study of the interaction of variables at different conceptual levels of organization that intervene between the genes and culture. It is toward this larger end that the limited efforts of this paper are directed. Two cultural phenomena are considered: Murdoch's "social laws of sexual choice," and aspects of human ritual behavior. Although these constitute a unique organization of cultural items, I attempt to show how they are influenced by underlying biopsychological processes. I specifically reject, however, the view that cultural phenomena are isomorphic with, or can be completely reduced to, such processes. Emergent novelty and multiple possibilities are always present at more inclusive levels of organization. I argue that the relationship between the different sets of system variables is based on homologous functions and not merely on analogies.
SEYMOUR PARKER is Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Utah, Salt Lake City. UT 84112