The specificity of medical facts: the case of diabetology

The fact that Ludwik Fleck drew his inspiration from medicine has been largely overlooked, with the exception of a few scholars. Although Fleck considered his ideas applicable to all sciences, he always insisted on the specificity of medicine. To illustrate the usefulness of Fleck’s concepts for the history of medicine, three main ideas developed by Fleck are applied to the historical study of diabetes mellitus (DM): first, that different and often divergent pictures of disease coexist within a given culture; second, that scientific ideas circulate between ‘esoteric’ and ‘exoteric’ circles; and third, that scientific concepts are often incommensurable. The author also suggests that Fleck’s epistemology, like other scholars’, is loaded with ethical and political consequences. However, the link between an ‘open’ epistemology and political or ethical questions is more explicit in Georges Canguilhem’s pioneering work on the normal and the pathological (1943). Indeed, Canguilhem and Fleck’s conceptions of disease have much in common, so that we can use Canguilhem’s work to bring out the hidden ethical and political issues in Fleck’s work.     

Fleck and the social constitution of scientific objectivity

Ludwik Fleck’s theory of thought-styles has been hailed as a pioneer of constructivist science studies and sociology of scientific knowledge. But this consensus ignores an important feature of Fleck’s epistemology. At the core of his account is the ideal of ‘objective truth, clarity, and accuracy’. I begin with Fleck’s account of modern natural science, locating the ideal of scientific objectivity within his general social epistemology. I then draw on Fleck’s view of scientific objectivity to improve upon reflexive accounts of the origin and development of the theory of thought-styles, and reply to objections that Fleck’s epistemological stance is self-undermining or inconsistent. Explicating the role of scientific objectivity in Fleck’s epistemology reveals his view to be an internally consistent alternative to recent social accounts of scientific objectivity by Harding, Daston and Galison. I use these contrasts to indicate the strengths and weaknesses of Fleck’s innovative social epistemology, and propose modifications to address the latter. The result is a renewed version of Fleck’s social epistemology, which reconciles commitment to scientific objectivity with integrated sociology, history and philosophy of science.     

A harmony of illusions: clinical and experimental testing of Robert Koch’s tuberculin 1890–1900

One of Ludwik Fleck’s ideas about the development of scientific knowledge is that—once a system of interpretation is in place—the process that follows can be characterised as one of inertia: any new evidence comes under a strong pressure to be incorporated into the established frame. This can result in what Fleck called a harmony of illusions (Harmonie der Täuschungen) when contradictory evidence becomes almost invisible or is incorporated into the established frame only by huge efforts.The paper analyses early explanations of the tuberculin reaction as a case study of Fleck’s argument. For Robert Koch, who had presented tuberculin in 1890, the compound was supposed to be a diagnostic tool and a cure for tuberculosis. His conception of its effect was rather peculiar, but strictly in line with ideas on the pathogenesis of infectious diseases he had developed much earlier. After tuberculin was released in late 1890, whether Koch’s conception was convincing depended on the place that a given observer had in the medical world in late-nineteenth-century Germany. Inside Koch’s group, the status of the tuberculin reaction remained stable and tuberculin retained its value as a diagnostic and curative tool. On the other hand, observers from outside that thought collective, and in particular from clinical medicine, soon pointed to flaws in its conception. These critics developed a rather different picture of tuberculin as a mysterious and dangerous drug. No reconciliation followed and what we find instead in German medicine around the year 1900 is the presence of rather contradictory concepts and practices surrounding Koch’s wonder cure.     

‘A river that is cutting its own bed’: the serology of syphilis between laboratory,society and the law

This paper focuses on the role of regulation in the shaping new scientific facts. Fleck chose to study the origins of a diagnostic test for a disease seen as a major public health problem, that is, a ‘scientific fact’ that had a direct and immediate influence outside the closed universe of fundamental scientific research. In 1935, when Fleck wrote his book, Genesis and development of a scientific fact, he believed that the tumultuous early history of the Wassermann reaction had come to an end, and that this reaction was successfully stabilized through the standardization of laboratory practices and thanks to the rise of a specific professional segment—the serologists. He could not have predicted that in the 15 years that followed the publication of his book, regulatory measures—barely metioned in his historical narrative—would play a key role in the destabilization of the original meaning of this reaction. The introduction of mass screening for syphilis—mainly via legislation that introduced obligatory premarital tests and promoted the testing of pregnant women—weakened in fine the link between Wassermann serology and infection by the etiological agent of syphilis, the bacterium Treponema pallidum. Fleck elected to study the Wassermann reaction because of its novelty, its complexity, and because it became the focus of a controversy regarding its origins. However, the Wassermann reaction was also one the first examples of a medical technology regulated by the state and incorporated into legal dispositions. It may therefore be seen as an exemplary case of the close intertwining of scientific investigations, their practical applications and regulatory practices.     

The background to Otto Warburg's conception of the Atmungsferment

Conclusion In the 1930s Warburg's spare prose and disciplined respect for the facts set the style for a new generation of biochemists who had not known the conceptual revolutions of earlier years. Led by Warburg, they rejected the excesses of the colloid school and the false starts of the teens and twenties. Talk of active structure virtually disappeared as chemists began to identify enzymes, coenzymes, vitamins, and hormones. In the gradual transformation of the Atmungsferment from an ironcolloid complex to a specific haem-protein, the roots of Warburg's inspiration were readily forgotten-the richer and more varied intellectual currents of the early decades of biochemistry. Experimental cytology and pharmacology were important strands. Most of what Warburg was doing on narcosis from 1908 to 1912 was typical of this school. He was deeply influenced by Loeb and his theory of the fertilization membrane. In the period from 1900 to 1914 the ups and down of belief in Hofmeister's enzyme theory was an important trend which helped determine the style of biochemistry in later decades. Warburg's conception of the Atmungsferment was shaped by the general reaction c. 1910 against Buchner's optimistic view. Warburg's Heidelberg lecture was framed as an answer to Hofmeister's lecture of 1901 and turned out almost as an imitation or second edition of it. It was a style that was soon out of fashion. The affinity between the early concept of enzymes and the old concept idea of living protein should not be neglected in discussions of Warburg's distaste for enzymology. The colloid school is too easily dismissed as a mere impediment to the chemical triumphs of the 1930s. Warburg's Atmungsferment was obviously colored by the colloidal cast of biochemical thought in 1912. The Atmungsferment represented, in short, a hybrid transition from the romantic biochemistry of the period 1900–1925 to the mature, classical of the 1930s. It is fascinating precisely because it reflects, and refracts through a unique and powerful mind, the varied local traditions of the early history of modern biochemistry.     

Siegel,Schaudinn, Fleck and the Etiology of Syphilis

In 1905 two different etiologic agents for syphilis were proposed in Berlin, one, the Cytorrhyctes luis, by John Siegel, the other, Spirochaete pallida, by Fritz Schaudinn. Both scientists were pupils of Franz Eilhard Schulze, and were outsiders to the Berlin medical establishment. Both belonged to the same thought collective, used the same thought style, and started from the same supposition that the etiologic agent of syphilis must be a protist. Both used the same morphological approach, the same microscopes and the same stains. Both presented their findings in the same societies, used the same rhetoric, published in the same journals, used the same arguments to criticise each other's shortcomings. Both were backed by powerful institutions and enlisted the support of prestigious patrons. Within half a year, the scientific community at large had in its overwhelming majority accepted Schaudinn's results and rejected those of Siegel. Social forces thus cannot be shown to have played any role in deciding the issue. Ludwik Fleck's suggestion that ‘appropriate influence’ and a ‘proper measure of publicity throughout the thought collective’ would have been sufficient for Siegel's ideas to win the day is untenable.     

Threads that Guide or Ties that Bind: William Kirby and the Essentialism Story

Nineteenth-century British entomologist William Kirby is best known for his generic division of bees based on tongues and his vigorous defence of natural theology. Focusing on these aspects of Kirby’s work has lead many current scholars to characterise Kirby as an “essentialist.” As a result of this characterisation, many important aspects of his work, Monographia Apum Angliæ (1802) have been over-looked or misunderstood. Kirby’s religious devotion, for example, have lead some scholars to assume Kirby used the term “type” for connecting an ontological assumption about essences with a creationist assumption about species fixity, which I argue conceals a variety of ways Kirby employed the term. Also, Kirby frequently cautioned against organising a classification system exclusively by what he called “analytic reasoning,” a style of reasoning 20th century scholars often associate with Aristotelian logic of division. I argue that Kirby’s critique of analytic reasoning brought the virtues of his own methodological agenda into sharp relief. Kirby used familiar metaphors in the natural history literature – Ariadne’s thread, the Eleusinian mysteries, and Bacon’s bee and spider metaphors – to emphasise the virtues of building tradition and cooperation in the goals and methodological practices of 19th century British naturalists.     

African Bioethics vs. Healthcare Ethics in Africa: A Critique of Godfrey Tangwa

It is nearly two decades now since the publication of Godfrey Tangwa's article, ‘Bioethics: African Perspective’, without a critical review. His article is important because sequel to its publication in Bioethics, the idea of ‘African bioethics’ started gaining some attention in the international bioethics literature. This paper breaks this relative silence by critically examining Tangwa's claim on the existence of African bioethics. Employing conceptual and critical methods, this paper argues that Tangwa's account of African bioethics has some conceptual, methodic and substantive difficulties, which altogether do not justify the idea of African bioethics, at least for now. Contra Tangwa, this article establishes that while African bioethics remains a future possibility, it is more cogent that current efforts in the name of ‘African bioethics’ be primarily re‐intensified towards ‘Healthcare ethics in Africa’.     

The seeds and the worms: Ludwik Fleck and the early history of germ theories

The Polish microbiologist and philosopher of science, Ludwik Fleck (1896-1961), was a pioneer in constructivist history and philosophy of science. Based on studies in the history of syphilis, Fleck hypothesized that many established scientific facts are linked, in their development, to pre-scientific "proto-ideas." In 1935, Fleck proposed that the history of germ theories could be approached through his thesis on proto-ideas. His proposal, however, remained little more than a vague suggestion and was never developed in further detail. This paper introduces the concept of proto-ideas and discusses the central epistemological and historiographical implications of Fleck's thesis. The Fleckian approach offers an attractive alternative to positivist reconstructions of the early history of germ theories and provides a useful framework for a deeper understanding of the sociocultural background of the development of modern knowledge of infection.     

Methods of ethics and the descent of man: Darwin and Sidgwick on ethics and evolution

Darwin’s treatment of morality in The Descent of Man has generated a wide variety of responses among moral philosophers. Among these is the dismissal of evolution as irrelevant to ethics by Darwin’s contemporary Henry Sidgwick; the last, and arguably the greatest, of the Nineteenth Century British Utilitarians. This paper offers a re-examination of Sidgwick’s response to evolutionary considerations as irrelevant to ethics and the absence of any engagement with Darwin’s work in Sidgwick’s main ethical treatise, The Methods of Ethics. This assessment of Sidgwick’s response to Darwin’s work is shown to have significance for a number of ongoing controversies in contemporary metaethics.     

Les théories de l’économie animale et l’émergence de la psychiatrie de l’Encyclopédie à l’aliénisme

The author analysesEncyclopédie’s articles devoted to nervous and mental functioning and disorders, showing that a new approach to lunacy as a mental illness, which is defined in some articles as a “general trouble of the animal economy”, progressively emerged. The term,animal economy, unified physical and moral aspects of the study of man. It was elaborated by XVIIIth century physiologists and was widely accepted by French physicians. This idea is based on the vitalistic thought of the Montpellier school, which equated life with sensibility, and on English medical conceptions of a nervous-centred organism. Later on Philippe Pinel’s work displayed the legacy of these conceptions. On one hand, the comprehensive view of physical and moral dimensions in theanimal economy neutralized the question of an organic or psychogenetic origin of madness. This enabled him to consider it as a determinate field of sensibility interactions and as a medical matter, and to legitimize the group of therapeutic practices that he namedtraitement moral. On the other hand, Pinel departed from the classical conception ofanimal economy by developing his concept of aprinciple of mania, which underlies the manifold symptoms and forms of madness, and which are only perceptible to a trained specialist (aliéniste). The historical development analysed in this article show how alienists were enabled to claim both the wholly medical nature of insanity as disease, and their specific competence as apart from the other medical disciplines. To this extent, Esquirol achieved Pinel’s scientific work.     

Origin and Evolution of the Brain

Modern biology has not yet come to terms with the presence of many organic codes in Nature, despite the fact that we can prove their existence. As a result, it has not yet accepted the idea that the great events of macroevolution were associated with the origin of new organic codes, despite the fact that this is the most parsimonious and logical explanation of those events. This is probably due to the fact that the existence of organic codes in all fundamental processes of life, and in all major transitions in the history of life, has enormous theoretical implications. It requires nothing less than a new theoretical framework, and that kind of change is inevitably slow. There are too many facts to reconsider, too many bits of history to weave together in a new mosaic. But this is what science is about, and the purpose of the present paper is to show that it can be done. More precisely, it is shown that the whole natural history of the brain can be revisited in the light of the organic codes. What is described here is only a bird’s-eye view of brain macroevolution, but it is hoped that the extraordinary potential of the organic codes can nevertheless come through. The paper contains also another message. The organic codes prove that life is based on semiosis, and are in fact the components of organic semiosis, the first and the most diffused form of semiosis on Earth, but not the only one. It will be shown that the evolution of the brain was accompanied by the development of two new types of sign processes. More precisely, it gave origin first to interpretive semiosis, mostly in vertebrates, and then to cultural semiosis, in our species.     

Testosterone and cortisol concentrations vary with reproductive status in wild female red deer

Although hormones are key regulators of many fitness and life history traits, the causes of individual level variation in hormones, particularly in wild systems, remain understudied. Whilst we know that androgen and glucocorticoid levels vary within and among individuals in mammalian populations, how this relates to key reproductive processes such as gestation and lactation, and their effects on a female''s measurable hormone levels are poorly understood in wild systems. Using fecal samples collected from females in a wild red deer population between 2001 and 2013, we explore how fecal androgen (FAM) and cortisol (FCM) metabolite concentrations change with age and season, and how individual differences relate to variation in reproductive state. Both FAM and FCM levels increase toward parturition, although this only affects FCM levels in older females. FCM levels are also higher when females suckle a male rather than a female calf, possibly due to the higher energetic costs of raising a son. This illustrates the importance of accounting for a female''s life history and current reproductive status, as well as temporal variation, when examining individual differences in hormone levels. We discuss these findings in relation to other studies of mammalian systems and in particular to the relatively scarce information on variation in natural levels of hormones in wild populations.     

Garland Allen,Thomas Hunt Morgan,and Development

Garland E. Allen’s 1978 biography of the Nobel Prize winning biologist Thomas Hunt Morgan provides an excellent study of the man and his science. Allen presents Morgan as an opportunistic scientist who follows where his observations take him, leading him to his foundational work in Drosophila genetics. The book was rightfully hailed as an important achievement and it introduced generations of readers to Morgan. Yet, in hindsight, Allen’s book largely misses an equally important part of Morgan’s work – his study of development and regeneration. It is worth returning to this part of Morgan, exploring what Morgan contributed and also why he has been seen by contemporaries and historians such as Allen as having set aside some of the most important developmental problems. A closer look shows how Morgan’s view of cells and development that was different from that of his most noted contemporaries led to interpretation of his important contributions in favor of genetics. This essay is part of a special issue, revisiting Garland Allen's views on the history of life sciences in the twentieth century.     

Overexpression of mannitol dehydrogenase in zonal geranium confers increased resistance to the mannitol secreting fungal pathogen Botrytis cinerea

The sugar alcohol mannitol is a carbohydrate with well-documented roles in both metabolism and osmoprotection in plants and fungi. In addition, however, mannitol is an antioxidant, and current research suggests that pathogenic fungi can secrete mannitol into the plant’s extracellular spaces during infection to suppress reactive oxygen-mediated host defenses. In response to pathogen attack, plants have been shown to secrete the normally symplastic enzyme, mannitol dehydrogenase (MTD). Given that MTD converts mannitol to the sugar mannose, extracellular MTD may be an important defense against mannitol-secreting fungal pathogens. Previous work demonstrated that overexpression of MTD in tobacco did, in fact, provide increased resistance to the mannitol-secreting fungal pathogen Alternaria alternata. In the present work we demonstrate that the fungal pathogen Botrytis cinerea also can secrete mannitol, and that overexpression of MTD in zonal geranium (Pelargonium × hortorum) in turn provides increased resistance to B. cinerea. These results are not only an important validation of previous work, but support the idea that MTD-overexpression might be used to engineer a broad variety of plants for resistance to mannitol-secreting fungal pathogens like B. cinerea for which specific resistance is lacking.     

Where Does Pattee’s “How Does a Molecule Become a Message?” Belong in the History of Biosemiotics?

Recalling the title of Yoxen’s classical paper on the influence of Schrödinger’s book, I analyze the role that the work of H. Pattee might have played, if any, in the development of Biosemiotics. I take his 1969 paper “How does a molecule become a message?” (Developmental Biology Supplement) as a first target due to several circumstances that make it especially salient. On the one hand, even if Pattee has obviously developed further his ideas on later papers, the significance of this one springs out right from the title, the journal and date of publication and, of course, its content. On the other, this paper in particular has been somehow rediscovered recently and not only within the frame of biosemiotics (eg, in history and philosophy of biology by E.F. Keller). Following the parallelism with Yoxen’s perspective, I contend that Pattee’s work was relatively influential with respect to a good amount of attempts to rethink living systems within theoretical biology around the 70s. This influence diminished together with the decay or even collapse of those attempts under the impact of molecular biology as it was being developed those years. Eventually, Pattee’s work has been taken up again. Notwithstanding, it is quite clear that Pattee himself was not intending to contribute specifically to Biosemiotics and that he was probably unaware of any such discipline, at least until recently. Then, we should as well ask (as Yoxen wonders with respect to Schrödinger) to which extent Pattee’s influence has been a direct one or rather an indication of the relevance of his ideas and the resonance of his hypotheses with those of biosemiotics. For this task I will sketch a few points of convergence and divergence and examine the work of some authors who either address directly this issue or have contributed significantly to build up the history of Biosemiotics.     

Current biotechnological applications of the genus Amycolatopsis

Recently there has been increasing interest in possible biotechnological applications of the bacterial genus Amycolatopsis. This genus originally attracted attention for its antibiotic producing capabilities; although it is actually a multifaceted genus and a more diverse range of studies involving biotechnological processes have now been undertaken. Several works have demonstrated that the versatility shown by these bacteria is valuable in industrial applications. Here, we provide a condensed overview of the most important biotechnological applications such as bioremediation, biodegradation and bioconversion, as well as aspects that need to be explored further in order to gain a fuller insight into this genus, including its possible potential in the production of biofuel. Antibiotic production is not discussed since this is well covered by the latest edition of Bergey’s Manual of Systematic Bacteriology. To our knowledge this is the first report highlighting the versatility and biotechnological potential of the genus Amycolatopsis.     

Gini coefficient predictions from airborne lidar remote sensing display the effect of management intensity on forest structure

In this study, two forest sites located in Finland were compared by means of predictions of Gini coefficient (GC) obtained from airborne laser scanning (ALS). We discuss the potential of the proposed method for identifying differences in structural complexity in relation with the management history of forests. The first study site (2200 ha), the Koli National Park (NP), includes areas where human intervention was restricted after 1907, in addition to forests which were protected only after the 1990s. The second study site in the municipality of Kiihtelysvaara (800 ha) has been under intensive management. These are commercial forests which include areas with different types of ownership: a large estate owned by an industrial company together with smaller private properties. We observed that GC predictions may be used to evaluate the effects of management practice on forest structure. Conservation and commercial forests showed significant differences, with the old-protected area of Koli having the highest, and the most intensively managed area in Kiihtelysvaara the lowest GC values. The effect of management history was revealed, as the 1990s’ extensions of Koli NP were more similar to unprotected areas than to forests contained within the original borders of the 1907s’ state property. Yet, their conservation status for almost two decades has been sufficient for developing significant differences against the outside of the NP. In Kiihtelysvaara, we found significant differences in GC according to the type of ownership. Moreover, the ALS predictions of GC also detected differences near lakeshores, which are driven by limitations on logging governed by Finnish law. Estimating this indicator with ALS remote sensing allowed to observe its spatial distribution and to detect peculiarities which would otherwise be unavailable from field plot sampling. Consequently, the method presented appears to be well suited for monitoring the effects of management practice, as well as verifying its compliance with legal restrictions.     

Taxonomy of the genusGlycine,domestication and uses of soybeans

The genusGlycine has had a stormy taxonomic history. Recent studies of herbarium specimens and cytological and morphological analyses of living collections, coupled with chemotaxonomic investigations, have made it necessary to revise the genus. In the first part of this paper the current taxonomic status of the genusGlycine is reviewed. The soybean was domesticated in China. It is unfortunate that the literature concerned with the antiquity and historical development of the soybean is obscured by legends and myths. In the second section of the paper, the archeological, historical, agricultural and botanical literature is summarized in order to present all the known evidence as to when, where and by whom the soybean was domesticated. The soybean is the world’s premier source of dietary vegetable oil and is nutritionally an excellent and inexpensive source of protein for use either as human food or animal feed. In addition, the soybean has numerous industrial uses. In the last section of this paper the traditional uses of fermented and nonfermented soybeans in the East as well as the high-technology-developed uses of soybeans in the West are summarized.     

Anterior pituitary influence on adipokine expression and secretion by porcine adipocytes

Nutritional stressors may cause negative effects on animal health and growth and lead to significant economic impact. Adipose tissue is an endocrine organ producing, mediators and hormones, called adipokines. They play a dynamic role in body homeostasis and in the regulation of energy expenditure, interacting with feeding behavior, hormones and growth factors. This in vitro study aimed to investigate how nutritional conditions and growth hormone (GH) can influence nitric oxide (NO) production and the expression and secretion of three important adipokines, that is leptin, interleukin-6 (IL-6) and tumor necrosis factor-α (TNF-α), by swine adipocytes. In our experimental model, mesenchymal stem cells from omental adipose tissue were induced to adipogenic differentiation. After differentiation, adipocytes were incubated for 24 h (T0) with DMEM/Ham’s F12 (group A) or DMEM/Ham’s F12 salts (group B), a DMEM/Ham’s F12 formulation deprived of nutritional components. Primary adipocyte cells were also co-cultured for 4 h (T+4) or 12 h (T+12) with or without anterior pituitary slices. To stimulate GH secretion by pituitary cells, growth hormone releasing hormone at 10⁻⁸ M was added at the start of the incubation times (4 or 12 h). At T0, T+4 and T+12, NO production, leptin, IL-6 and TNF-α expression and secretion were measured. NO increased (P<0.05) up to twofold in restricted culture conditions. Deprived medium and coincubation with anterior pituitary positively influenced leptin secretion and expression. TNF-α was expressed and secreted only in deprived culture condition groups (B, B1 and B2). Nutrients availability and pituitary co-culture did not affect IL-6 expression and secretion. Our study shows an endocrine function for porcine adipocytes. In our model, adipocytes readily responded to nutritional inputs by secretion of molecules affecting energy balance. This secretion capacity was modulated by GH. Improving our knowledge of the role of adipocyte in the endocrine system, may lead to a more complete understanding of regulating energy balance in swine.