Phonological and morphological conditions on affix order in Huave

Huave, a language isolate of Mexico, has “mobile” affixes, which surface as prefixes or suffixes depending on morphophonological properties of the base to which they attach. This paper shows that despite affix mobility, the hierarchical structure of affixes is morphologically fixed. Meanwhile, the linearization algorithm for individual mobile affixes is analyzed with an Optimality-Theoretic P >> M ranking schema, where phonological well-formedness constraints outrank morphological alignment constraints. The proposed model is a revision of previous P >> M models in that morphological constraints are argued to be of the idiosyncratic, language-specific type previously used in subcategorization approaches to the morphology–phonology interface.     

Morphology, language and the brain: the decompositional substrate for language comprehension

This paper outlines a neurocognitive approach to human language, focusing on inflectional morphology and grammatical function in English. Taking as a starting point the selective deficits for regular inflectional morphology of a group of non-fluent patients with left hemisphere damage, we argue for a core decompositional network linking left inferior frontal cortex with superior and middle temporal cortex, connected via the arcuate fasciculus. This network handles the processing of regularly inflected words (such as joined or treats), which are argued not to be stored as whole forms and which require morpho-phonological parsing in order to segment complex forms into stems and inflectional affixes. This parsing process operates early and automatically upon all potential inflected forms and is triggered by their surface phonological properties. The predictions of this model were confirmed in a further neuroimaging study, using event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), on unimpaired young adults. The salience of grammatical morphemes for the language system is highlighted by new research showing that similarly early and blind segmentation also operates for derivationally complex forms (such as darkness or rider). These findings are interpreted as evidence for a hidden decompositional substrate to human language processing and related to a functional architecture derived from non-human primate models.     

Inflectional paradigms have a base: evidence from s-Dissimilation in Southern German dialects

In many varieties of Southern German the contrast between /s/ and / / is neutralized to before /p t/ anywhere within a word (e.g. ‘mail’), but neutralization does not occur before inflectional suffixes (e.e. küss-t [kyst] ‘kiss (3 SG)’). It will be argued that the underapplication of neutralization before inflectional suffixes is an example of a Paradigm Uniformity effect: Neutralization is blocked from applying to the final /s/ of a stem so that it will retain a constant shape in a paradigm. Underapplication in examples like [kyst] follows from a requirement that the stem in a derived word be identical to the unaffixed base. By contrast, the German data will be shown to be problematic for the Optimal Paradigms model (McCarthy 2005), since this approach does not allow for a base in inflectional paradigms.     

The plural interpretability of German linking elements

In this paper, we take a closer theoretical and empirical look at the linking elements in German N1+N2 compounds which are identical to the plural marker of N1 (such as -er with umlaut, as in Häus-er-meer ‘sea of houses’). Various perspectives on the actual extent of plural interpretability of these pluralic linking elements are expressed in the literature. We aim to clarify this question by empirically examining to what extent there may be a relationship between plural form and meaning which informs in which sorts of compounds pluralic linking elements appear. Specifically, we investigate whether pluralic linking elements occur especially frequently in compounds where a plural meaning of the first constituent is induced either externally (through plural inflection of the entire compound) or internally (through a relation between the constituents such that N2 forces N1 to be conceptually plural, as in the example above). The results of a corpus study using the DECOW16A corpus and a split-100 experiment show that in the internal but not external plural meaning conditions, a pluralic linking element is preferred over a non-pluralic one, though there is considerable inter-speaker variability, and limitations imposed by other constraints on linking element distribution also play a role. However, we show the overall tendency that German language users do use pluralic linking elements as cues to the plural interpretation of N1+N2 compounds. Our interpretation does not reference a specific morphological framework. Instead, we view our data as strengthening the general approach of probabilistic morphology.     

Graphemic alternations in English as a reflex of morphological structure

Graphemic alternations such as <y>-replacement (e.g. <lady–ladies>) are obligatory in inflectional processes, but they do not occur in compounding (cf. <ladybug, *ladibug>). In derivational processes, the obligatoriness varies depending on the suffix (cf. <happiness, puppydom>). This variation in graphemic alternations is used to determine the juncture strength of derivational products. On the basis of the 450 million word Corpus of Contemporary American English (CoCA), 46 suffixes are investigated. The resulting scale is found to correlate closely with the type parsing ratio from Hay and Baayen (in Yearbook of Morphology 2001, pp. 203–235, 2002), a purely morphological measure. As the graphemic alternations investigated are not mirrored in phonology, the results are taken to be an argument for a partly autonomous writing system that can in turn be used to argue for or against morphological structure, quite like phonological sandhi or liaison phenomena.     

Diachronic universals and morpheme order in the Ukrainian synthetic imperfective future

This paper treats the problem of possible correlation between the current order of morphemes in a word and the order of syntactic elements from which they evolved at some point in the language history. A well-documented morpheme formation, the Ukrainian synthetic imperfective future, is examined in the grammaticalization framework, and numerous attested examples from different stages of the change from imati ‘have’ to a future affix are presented. The history of this change clarifies the relation between a single case of grammaticalization and the syntactic structure of a language by showing that the position of the affix has never marked the typological category of the language.     

A Realization Optimality-Theoretic approach to affix order

The interplay of the main factors affecting affix order in inflection (semantic scope, phonology, and morphological templates) can be accounted for in an inferential-realizational Optimality-Theoretic model of morphology, which we present here. Within this model, phonological form is spelled out by means of individual-language-particular realization constraints that associate abstract morphosyntactic feature values with phonological forms and that are ordered among more general constraints governing factors like scope and feature splitting. The data used to exemplify the application of our theory to affix order are drawn from Haspelmath’s (A grammar of Lezgian, Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, 1993) grammar of Lezgian, a language of the Northeast Caucasian family spoken largely in Dagestan (Russia) and Azerbaijan.     

Oud-leerling versus ancien élève: A Comparative Study of Adjectives Grammaticalizing into Prefixes in Dutch and French

This article analyzes the grammaticalization of adjectives into prefixes in Dutch and French. In the first part, the notion of ‘affixoids’, hybrid elements that combine properties of free lexemes and bound morphemes, will be defined and illustrated. It will be claimed that affixoids can be seen as a result of a grammaticalization process for which we will advance phonological, morphological, semantic and distributional parameters applying to the evolution of adjectives into prefixes. The second part will be devoted to a specific case study in which these grammaticalization parameters will be applied to the Dutch adjectives oud ‘old’ and nieuw ‘new’ and their French counterparts ancien ‘old’ and nouveau ‘new’ when used in word-formation. More particularly, we will examine whether these adjectives may develop prefix-like properties when embedded in a compound structure and determine their degree of grammaticalization. Kristel Van Goethem is a Postdoctoral fellow of the Research Foundation-Flanders (FWO)     

The typology of syncretisms and the status of feature structure. Verbal paradigms across 355 Dutch dialects

In this article syncretic patterning in the present indicative paradigm of the verb kloppen (‘to knock’) is described for 355 Dutch dialects taken from the morphological atlas of Dutch dialects (Van den Berg 2003). Following Baerman et al. (2005, The syntax-morphology interface. A study of syncretism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), I distinguish syncretisms driven by (universal) feature structure and language specific sources of syncretism. I present independent evidence for the role of phonology, pragmatics and amplification in the formation of syncretic patterns of Dutch. The benefit of the study of the interaction between language specific routes to syncretism and feature structure is threefold. We know language specific routes to syncretism can obscure feature structure. By distinguishing the different routes to syncretism we canalsorevealthe strength of feature structure. Secondly, distinguishing sources of syncretisms enables us to understand similarities and differences in the cross-linguistic patterning of syncretisms. Thirdly, we can link typological data to language acquisition patterns.     

A <Emphasis Type="Italic">Construction Morphology</Emphasis> account of derivation in Mandarin Chinese

In the Chinese language, morphologically complex words have been attested since the remote past of the language, including both stem-modifying processes and agglutination of morphemes, mostly lexical and free in the classical language. However, in Chinese, grammaticalization typically entails no phonological alteration (Bisang, Studies in Language 20:519–597, 1996) and it is still a matter of debate whether compounding and derivation are two distinct phenomena in Modern Mandarin Chinese (see, among others, Pan et al, The research on word formation in Chinese, 2004). In this paper we shall tackle this issue in the framework of Construction Morphology (Booij, In: Dressler et al (eds) Morphology in demarcations, 2005; In: Montermini et al (eds) Selected proceedings of the 5th Décembrettes: morphology in Toulouse, 2007), also taking into account the diachronic perspective. Our proposal is that it is possible to analyse as instances of grammaticalized derivational formants the right-hand elements in word formation schemas such as [[X] _x 性] _n [[X] _x xìng] _n ‘the quality of X/connected with X’ (抽象性 chōuxiàngxìng “abstractness”), which undergo processes of semantic shift analogous to those of e.g. English -hood.     

Linking elements in German Origin, Change, Functionalization

Contemporary German is known for its complex system of linking elements. They not only show different degrees of productivity (between unproductive -es- and very productive -s-), but also exhibit functional diversity, with some of them even allowing plural interpretation, e.g. -er- in Völk+er+kunde ‘ethnology’ vs. Volk+s+kunde ‘folklore’. In this paper, we argue that this is due to the complex historical development from two different sources. The first layer of linking elements, which arose out of Germanic primary suffixes, was reduced to one member, the “older” linking -e-, already in Old High German (e.g. in NHG Tag+e+werk ‘daily task’). The current functional diversity of the linking elements is primarily due to the later evolution out of inflectional endings. The dissociation from the second source has included a gradual change of the assignment rules from lexical (gender, declension class) to prosodic (formal) level. Thus, the current distribution of the most developed linking -s- is the most formalized one, as it can be directly deduced from the prosodic form of the first constituent. The development of the second layer of linking elements resembles the process of grammaticalization. However, linking elements form part of word formation and therefore are not the typical result of grammaticalization.     

Natural Signs and the Origin of Language

This article considers natural signs and their role in the origin of language. Natural signs, sometimes called primary signs, are connected with their signified by causal relationships, concomitance, or likeliness. And their acquisition is directed by both objective reality and past experience (memory). The discovery and use of natural signs is a required prerequisite of existence for any living systems because they are indispensable to movement, the search for food, regulation, communication, and many other information-related activities. It is argued that the birth of conventional signs, sometimes called secondary signs, was determined by a connotative use of natural signs and that, regulated and maintained by them, human language developed. At the same time, the origin and development of human language presupposes a ‘rational turn’ from the given and external reality of natural signs to the rationally constructed reality of artificial signs and rules that are internally maintained by the subjects’ deliberate activities, and actual and inherited social tradition (social memory). In view of this, language is defined as a dynamic system that must both be natural and artificial, empirical and a priori, inductive and deductive. This bilateral origin and regulation of language is the dual-inference of language.     

Verbal morphology in Murrinh-Patha: evidence for templates

If questions concerning affix ordering are among the central ones in morphological theory, then languages with templatic morphology appear to provide the least interesting answer, since in these languages affix order must be simply stipulated in the form of arbitrary position classes. For this reason, much recent research into templatic morphology has attempted to show that affix order in such languages is in fact governed by underlying semantic or syntactic principles. The most fully articulated position in this respect is that of Rice (Morpheme order and semantic scope, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000), who provides a comprehensive analysis of morpheme order across the Athapaskan languages and argues that it is largely determined by universal principles of semantic (and syntactic) scope. If these principles of word formation are truly universal, we should expect to find evidence for them in all similarly ‘templatic’ systems, including the head-marking languages of Australia. In this context, I discuss the order of verbal affixes in Murrinh-Patha and show that these data cannot be adequately accounted for by syntactic or semantic accounts of affix ordering, but rather provide strong support for the existence of templatic organization in morphological systems.     

Suffix combinations in Bulgarian: parsability and hierarchy-based ordering

This article extends the empirical scope of the most recent approach to affix ordering, the Parsability Hypothesis (Hay 2001, 2002, 2003) or Complexity-Based Ordering (CBO) (Plag 2002; Hay and Plag 2004; Plag and Baayen 2009), to the inflecting-fusional morphological type, as represented by the South Slavic language Bulgarian. In order to account properly for the structure of the Bulgarian word, I distinguish between suffixes that are in the derivational word slot and suffixes that are in the inflectional word slot and show that inflectional suffix combinations are more easily parsable than derivational suffix combinations. Derivational suffixes participate in mirror-image combinations of AB–BA type and can be also attached recursively. The order of 12 out of the 22 derivational suffixes under scrutiny in this article is thus incompatible with CBO. With respect to recursiveness and productivity, the Bulgarian word exhibits three domains of suffixation (in order of increasing productivity): (1) a non-diminutive derivational domain, where a suffix may attach recursively on non-adjacent cycles; (2) a diminutive domain, where a suffix may attach recursively on adjacent cycles; and (3) an inflectional domain, where a suffix never attaches recursively. Overall, the results of this study conform to the last revision of the Parsability Hypothesis (Baayen et al. 2009); and if we see the derivational suffix slot and the inflectional suffix slot of the Bulgarian word as parallel to the non-native stratum and the Germanic stratum respectively in English word-formation, we can conclude that suffixes that are closer to the root tend to exhibit idiosyncrasies and appear less parsable in both languages.     

History of the word photosynthesis and evolution of its definition

In 1893, Charles Barnes (1858–1910) proposed that the biological process for ‘synthesis of complex carbon compounds out of carbonic acid, in the presence of chlorophyll, under the influence of light’ should be designated as either ‘photosyntax’ or ‘photosynthesis.’ He preferred the word ‘photosyntax,’ but ‘photosynthesis’ came into common usage as the term of choice. Later discovery of anoxygenic photosynthetic bacteria and photophosphorylation necessitated redefinition of the term. This essay examines the history of changes in the meaning of photosynthesis. This revised version was published online in June 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Wordhood and the interplay of linguistic levels in synthetic languages. An empirical study on Wichi (Mataguayan,Gran Chaco)

On the basis of data from the synthetic and agglutinative South American language Wichi (Mataguayan, Argentina/Bolivia), I argue in favor of regarding interface phenomena as typological variables. In particular, in this paper I discuss what type of interactions these are, arguing that they do not affect wordhood but do contribute to its formation. I will defend the hypothesis that linguistic level interactions within the word are of two types and different in nature: overlapping on the one hand and conditioning and alteration on the other. Conditioning only takes place in morphophonological and morphosemantic interactions and it follows the wordhood requirements of the language. Conversely, the interaction of morphology with all linguistic levels shows overlapping of units: the phonological word and the grammatical word in the morphophonological relation; the word and the simple clause or nominal phrase in the morphosyntactic relation; and the word and the semantic unit in the morphosemantic relation. This explains why the word is generally defined by phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic criteria. It is to be hoped that the conclusions arrived at in this paper would contribute to deepen our knowledge of the notion of wordhood in synthetic languages in South America as well as our understanding of language structure and functioning.     

Farmers’ Management of Finger Millet (Eleusine coracana L.) diversity in Tigray, Ethiopia and Implications for on-Farm Conservation

Tigray (region) is one of the major finger millet growing regions in Ethiopia and an important site from an archeobotanical point of view. Three zones of Tigray (east, central and west) were identified as representative sites in the region and a total of 14 districts/ ‘Woreda’ were surveyed. Thirty-seven landraces/farmers’ varieties of finger millet were identified/recorded. Farmers in Tigray undertake pre and post harvest selection in finger millet and sometimes they also select seeds from storage based on a number of attributes. Farmers maintain diversity as a way to ensure harvest security or stability of production, to promote diversity of diet and income sources, minimize crop failure risk, reduce insect and disease incidences and ensure efficient use of labour. The traditional management of finger millet in the entire study area is generally found to be demand driven, showing the existence of potential sites for on-farm conservation. The high morphological diversity (H =0.76 ± 0.09) found in the gene bank collections of Tigrayan origin also reveals the importance of linking ex situ with in situ conservation activities. Furthermore, the enhancement and conservation significance of the crop is discussed.     

Prolegomena to a typology of morphological features

Morphological features characterize variations in morphological form which are independent of syntactic context. They contrast with morphosyntactic features, which characterize variations in form correlated with different syntactic contexts. Morphological features account for formal variation across lexemes (inflectional class), as well as morphosyntactically incoherent alternations within the paradigm of a single lexeme. Such morphological features are not available to the syntax, as is made explicit in the principle of ‘morphology-free syntax’. Building on work on stress patterns in Network Morphology and on stems in Paradigm Function Morphology, we take initial steps towards a typology of these morphological features. We identify four types: inflectional class features (affixal and prosodic), stem indexing features, syncretic index features and morphophonological features. Then we offer a first list of criteria for distinguishing them from morphosyntactic features (independently of the principle of morphology-free syntax). Finally we review the arguments demonstrating the need to recognize morphological features.     

Halkomelem clitic types

In the Salish language Halkomelem, there are numerous functional elements that we identify as clitics. In this study, we seek to improve our understanding of Halkomelem clitics by classifying them according to their syntactic and phonological properties. We look in particular at data from the Island dialect, called Hul’q’umi’num’. First, based on their patterns of syntactic placement, we classify Hul’q’umi’num’ clitics into two general types, inner and outer. Inner clitics are more constrained in their placement than outer clitics. When they co-occur, inner clitics are closer to the host than outer clitics are. Second, we examine Hul’q’umi’num’ clitics in terms of phonological integration, showing that clitics are less integrated than affixes, and, furthermore, that clitics that follow their hosts are more integrated than those that precede their hosts. Finally, we analyze the prosodic representations of Hul’q’umi’num’ clitics within Prosodic Clitic Theory. We propose that clitics receive at least three different parses in Hul’q’umi’num’, namely internal enclisis, adjoined proclisis, and free clisis. That is, clitics can be parsed at the right edge of a prosodic word, at the left edge of a recursive prosodic word, or directly by a phonological phrase. While Hul’q’umi’num’ clitics exhibit a range of behaviors, those clitics with more constrained syntactic placement are generally more phonologically integrated, and vice-versa.     

Classical and dynamic morphology: toward a synthesis through the space of forms

In plant morphology, most structures of vascular plants can easily be assigned to pre-established organ categories. However, there are also intermediate structures that do not fit those categories associated with a classical approach to morphology. To integrate the diversity of forms in the same general framework, we constructed a theoretical morphospace based on a variety of modalities where it is possible to calculate the morphological distance between plant organs. This paper gives emphasis on shoot, leaf, leaflet and trichomes while ignoring the root. This will allow us to test the hypothesis that classical morphology (typology) and dynamic morphology occupy the same theoretical morphospace and the relationship between the two approaches remains a question of weighting of criteria. Our approach considers the shoot (i.e. leafy stem) as the basic morphological structural unit. A theoretical data table consisting of as many lines as there are possible combinations between different modalities of characters of a typical shoot was generated. By applying a principal components analysis (PCA) to these data it is possible to define a theoretical morphospace of shoots. Typical morphological elements (shoots, leaves, trichomes) and atypical structures (phylloclades, cladodes) including particular cases representing ‘exotic’ structures such as the epiphyllous appendages of Begonia and ‘water shoot’ and ‘leaf’ of aquatic Utricularia were placed in the morphospace. The more an organ differs from a typical shoot, the further away it will be from the barycentre of shoots. By giving a higher weight to variables used in classical typology, the different organ categories appear to be separate, as expected. If we do not make any particular arbitrary choice in terms of character weighting, as it is the case in the context of dynamic morphology, the clear separation between organs is replaced by a continuum. Contrary to typical structures, “intermediate” structures are only compatible with a dynamic morphology approach whether they are placed in the morphospace based on a ponderation compatible with typology or dynamic morphology. The difference in points of view between typology and continuum leads to a particular mode of weighting. By using an equal weighting of characters, contradictions due to the ponderation of characters are avoided, and the morphological concepts of continuum’ and ‘typology’ appear as sub-classes of ‘process’ or ‘dynamic morphology’.