Resister's logic: the anti-vaccination arguments of Alfred Russel Wallace and their role in the debates over compulsory vaccination in England, 1870-1907

In the 1880s, Alfred Russel Wallace, the celebrated co-discoverer of natural selection, launched himself into the centre of a politicised and polarised debate over the unpopular compulsory vaccination laws in England. Wallace never wavered in his belief that smallpox vaccination was useless and likely dangerous. Six years before his death, the anti-vaccinationists successfully secured a conscience clause that effectively dismantled the compulsory vaccination laws. Several other important Victorian scientists joined Wallace in the fight to repeal compulsory vaccination arguing that widely held views on the effectiveness of vaccination and evidence for immunity were inconclusive in the light of (then) contemporary standards of evidence. This article situates Wallace's anti-vaccination logic within the broader matrix of sociopolitical and cultural reform movements of the late Victorian era. Additionally it provides the first detailed analysis of his critique of vaccination science, in particular the role statistics played in his arguments. In this period, both pro-vaccinationists and anti-vaccinationists invested great efforts in collating and analysing statistical data sets that either supported or refuted the claims of vaccination's effectiveness. While each side presented 'controlled' case studies to support their assertions, without an unambiguous test to measure or demonstrate vaccination's effectiveness, the anti-vaccinationists continued to mount credible statistical critiques of vaccination science.     

Health and disease at a South Carolina plantation: 1840-1870

The analysis of 36 human skeletons (eight subadults, 13 males, 15 females) recovered during a cemetery relocation near Charleston, SC, provides data on health and disease for a 19th-century sample of Afro-Americans. The majority of the burials date from 1840-1870. Skeletal analysis verified some historical interpretations. Gender differential in mortality is evident with average age at death for males 35 and females 40 years. Females, besides living longer, had more missing and carious teeth but fewer abscesses. Both genders expressed childhood metabolic stress as indicated by linear enamel hypoplasias. Males, however, had a higher incidence (92%) than did females (70%). Age at occurrence was more widely distributed for females, but ages 2-4 were most critical for both genders. Postcranial indications of recovery from acute stress, Harris lines, occurred more frequently for males (45%) than for females (18%). Anemia, probably both genetic and acquired, was a significant health problem for both genders. Cribra orbitalia appeared in 35% of the adult crania, and 80% of the subadults had orbital lesions. Diplotic expansion of the cranial vault and infection were relatively common in the sample. Skeletal reaction to infections appeared in 69% of the males, 60% of the females, and 80% of the subadults. Skeletal changes associated with demanding physical labor were ubiquitous. The shoulder and hip were especially affected by degenerative changes, the cervical vertebrae frequently expressed osteophytosis, and males show a preponderance of Schmorl herniations and hypertrophy of the ulnar supinator crest. Skeletal trace elements indicate a relatively high exposure to lead, strontium concentrations indicative of a diet high in plant foods, and relatively low zinc and copper concentrations.     

The rise of peptic ulcer, 1900-1950

The seeming increase in the incidence of peptic ulcer after 1900 quickly occupied the attention of physicians. Their understanding and treatment of peptic ulcer was shaped not only by new diagnostic tools, but by differences between contesting medical specialties, broad concepts or paradigms current in the larger medical and scientific community, and prevailing social and ideological beliefs. Surgeons and internists, for example, were often at odds over appropriate therapies; each maintained that personal experiences demonstrated the efficacy of their therapies. Nor were etiological theories derived from empirical data. The claim that peptic ulcer resulted from focal infections was simply a reflection of the popularity of germ theory. Other explanations included the role of stress, race, constitutional makeup, psychosomatic factors, and the pressures of modern industrial society. Virtually all were derivative and reflected social and intellectual currents that were common in the larger society of which medicine was but a part. Thus, the history of peptic ulcer during the first half of the 20th century provides an instructive and in many ways a typical case study in the complexities posed by the emergence of modern medicine.     

Constructing and dismantling frameworks of disease etiology: the rise and fall of sewer gas in America, 1870-1910

For roughly forty years, from 1870 to 1910, Americans recognized and feared gases emanating from sewers, believing that they were responsible for causing an array of diseases. Fears of sewer gas arose from deeper anxieties toward contact with decomposing organic matter and the vapors emitted from such refuse. These anxieties were exacerbated by the construction of sewers across the country during the mid-to-late-nineteenth century, which concentrated waste emanations and connected homes to one another. The result was the birth of sewer gas and the attribution of sickness and death to it, as well as the development of a host of plumbing devices and, especially, bathroom fixtures, to combat sewer gas. The rise of the germ theory, laboratory science, and belief in disease specificity, however, transformed the threat of sewer gas, eventually replacing it (and the larger fear of miasmas) with the threat of germs. The germ theory framework, by 1910, proved more suitable than the sewer gas framework in explaining disease causation; it is this suitability that often shapes the relationship between science and society.     

The history of the capillary wall: doctors, discoveries, and debates

In 1628, William Harvey provided definitive evidence that blood circulates. The notion that blood travels around the body in a circle raised the important question of how nutrients pass between blood and underlying tissue. Perhaps, Harvey posited, arterial blood pours into the flesh as into a sponge, only then to find its way into the veins. Far from solving this problem, Marcello Malpighi's discovery of the capillaries in 1661 only added to the dilemma: surely, some argued, these entities are little more than channels drilled into tissues around them. As we discuss in this review, it would take over 200 years to arrive at a consensus on the basic structure and function of the capillary wall. A consideration of the history of this period provides interesting insights into not only the central importance of the capillary as a focus of investigation, but also the enormous challenges associated with studying these elusive structures.     

The reception of Mendelism in the United States, 1900-1930

Scholars have differed on the question of why Mendel's work was neglected between 1865 and 1900, and the (by contrast) relatively rapid acceptance of Mendelism in many countries after 1900. This paper focuses on two factors that have not been well explored in the debate. The first is that Mendelism fit perfectly into the atomistic philosophy associated with mechanistic materialism in western science, and thus was strongly promoted by a younger group of biologists around 1900 to raise the prestige of biology to the rigorous level of the physical sciences. The second factor was that Mendelian theory, with its experimental and predictive qualities, fit well into the new demands for industrialization of agriculture both to feed a growing urban population and to provide an arena for capital expansion. This paper proposes that the early promotion of Mendelian research, by both private and public funds, owed as much to economic and social as to biological causes.     

The emergence of multiple sclerosis, 1870-1950: a puzzle of historical epidemiology

In 1868, Jean-Martin Charcot identified multiple sclerosis (MS) as a distinct nosological entity. By 1870, American neurologists became aware of the "new" disease and began to diagnose cases in the United States. For the next 50 years, however, American physicians thought it was a rare condition. From 1920 to 1950, this perception changed dramatically; by 1950, neurologists considered it among the most common neurological diseases in America. The increasing prevalence of MS between 1920 and 1950 can largely be explained as an effect of an increase in the number of trained neurologists, urbanization, a changed ecology of disease, and altered concepts of gender and disease. Physicians recognized MS more frequently because over time there were more neurologists who had the skills necessary to make the difficult diagnosis, and because patients were more likely to be seen by a trained neurologist. Significant numbers of patients with MS had been misdiagnosed with other diseases such as hysteria and neurosyphilis; over time, they were increasingly diagnosed correctly.     

Cell theory, specificity, and reproduction, 1837-1870

The cell is not only the structural, physiological, and developmental unit of life, but also the reproductive one. So far, however, this aspect of the cell has received little attention from historians and philosophers of biology. I will argue that cell theory had far-reaching consequences for how biologists conceptualized the reproductive relationships between germs and adult organisms. Cell theory, as formulated by Theodor Schwann in 1839, implied that this relationship was a specific and lawful one, that is, that germs of a certain kind, all else being equal, would produce adult organisms of the same kind, and vice versa. Questions of preformation and epigenesis took on a new meaning under this presupposition. The question then became one of whether cells could be considered as autonomous agents producing adult organisms of a given species, or whether they were the product of external, organizing forces and thus only a stage in the development of the whole organism. This question became an important issue for nineteenth-century biology. As I will demonstrate, it was the view of cells as autonomous agents which helped both Charles Darwin and Gregor Mendel to think of inheritance as a lawful process.     

The low-density lipoprotein receptor: ligands, debates and lore

Like pieces belonging to a large mosaic, the structures of low-density lipoprotein receptor (LDL-R) modules have been elucidated one by one in recent years. LDL-Rs localized on hepatocytes play an important role in removing cholesterol-transporting LDL particles from the plasma by receptor-mediated endocytosis. Key steps in this process involve the LDL-R binding LDL at neutral pH at the cell surface and, after internalization, releasing it again at acidic pH in the endosomes. How the modules of the LDL-R might interact within the intact receptor to carry out ligand binding and release has been revealed by the recent crystal structure of the extracellular domain of the LDL-R.     

Eugenics without the state: anarchism in Catalonia, 1900-1937

Current historiography has considered eugenics to be an emanation from state structures or a movement which sought to appeal to the state in order to implement eugenic reform. This paper examines the limitations of that view and argues that it is necessary to expand our horizons to consider particularly working-class eugenics movements that were based on the dissemination of knowledge about sex and which did not aspire to positions of political power. The paper argues that anarchism, with its contradictory practice afforded by the convulsive social situation of the Civil War in Spain, allows us to assess critically the parameters of the social action of eugenics, its many alliances, and its struggle for existence in changing political circumstances not of its own making.