Syncretism in Dutch dialects

Dutch dialects show an enormous amount of variation with respect to the verbal inflectional paradigm. To wit, some dialects only have two forms in the present tense indicative to express all persons in singular and plural, whereas other dialects use three or even four different forms to do so. inflectional pattern is equally likely to occur; some patterns are found nowhere, whereas others are geographically widespread and stable over time. We will show that these recurring patterns of syncretism are also typologically well-attested. The recurring pattern involves neutralization of a morphosyntactic distinction in the marked half of the paradigm. More specifically, we see that plural and past tense are neutralizing contexts. We will show that a grammar that solely uses underspecification of affixes to account for the observed syncretisms, misses a generalization that can only be expressed by impoverishment rules or some paradigmatic means.     

Prolegomena to a typology of morphological features

Morphological features characterize variations in morphological form which are independent of syntactic context. They contrast with morphosyntactic features, which characterize variations in form correlated with different syntactic contexts. Morphological features account for formal variation across lexemes (inflectional class), as well as morphosyntactically incoherent alternations within the paradigm of a single lexeme. Such morphological features are not available to the syntax, as is made explicit in the principle of ‘morphology-free syntax’. Building on work on stress patterns in Network Morphology and on stems in Paradigm Function Morphology, we take initial steps towards a typology of these morphological features. We identify four types: inflectional class features (affixal and prosodic), stem indexing features, syncretic index features and morphophonological features. Then we offer a first list of criteria for distinguishing them from morphosyntactic features (independently of the principle of morphology-free syntax). Finally we review the arguments demonstrating the need to recognize morphological features.     

The morphome in constructive and abstractive models of morphology

Although the definition and usage of the term ‘morphome’ differs in the academic literature, the original definition of a morphome by Aronoff (1994) is that it is a function which determines the distribution of form within the inflectional paradigm and beyond. More importantly, however, morphomes suppose the existence of what Aronoff terms ‘a morphomic level’ which embodies an empirical claim about the structure of language: ‘the mapping from morphosyntax to phonological realization is not direct but passes through an intermediate level’ (Aronoff in Morphology by itself, MIT Press, Cambridge, 1994:25). This is a strong claim concerning all types of morphological exponence. In this article, after an analysis of Aronoff’s model of morphology, I draw upon the distinction which Blevins (J. Linguist. 42:531–573, 2006) makes between constructive and abstractive models of morphology. I note that the introduction of a morphomic level merely constitutes an incorporation of a partial paradigmatic dimension into a constructive model of morphology. With reference to a semantically and phonologically unmotivated distribution of allomorphy in Romance I argue that although the introduction of the morphomic level is beneficial, since it can formalise systematic and ‘psychologically real’ homonymies in synchronic grammars in a way which is not merely coincidental, a constructive morphomic theory of morphology does not present significant advantages over abstractive theories as regards the formalisation of the synchronic facts and presents disadvantages as regards the motivation of diachronic tendencies which this particular distribution of allomorphy shows cross-linguistically. I argue that these historical tendencies support a more paradigmatic theory of morphology inherent in abstractive models, which consider the word as the basic unit of analysis and word formation a matter of analogical deduction based on the predictable capacity of stored exemplar paradigms and principal parts.     

Production of Estonian case-inflected nouns shows whole-word frequency and paradigmatic effects

Most psycholinguistic models of lexical processing assume that the comprehension and production of inflected forms is mediated by morphemic constituents. Several more recent studies, however, have challenged this assumption by providing empirical evidence that information about individual inflected forms and their paradigmatic relations is available in long-term memory (Baayen et al. 1997; Milin et al. 2009a, 2009b). Here, we investigate how whole-word frequency, inflectional paradigm size and morphological family size affect production latencies and articulation durations when subjects are asked to read aloud isolated Estonian case-inflected nouns. In Experiment 1, we observed that words with a larger morphological family elicited shorter speech onset latencies, and that forms with higher whole-word frequency had shorter acoustic durations. Experiment 2, for which we increased statistical power by using 2,800 words, revealed that higher whole-word frequency, inflectional paradigm size, and morphological family size reduced both speech onset times and acoustic durations. These results extend our knowledge of morphological processing in three ways. First, whole-word frequency effects of inflected forms in morphologically rich languages are not restricted to a small number of very high-frequency forms, contrary to previous claims (Niemi et al. 1994; Hankamer 1989; Yang 2016). Second, we replicated the morphological family size effect in a new domain, the acoustic durations of inflected forms. Third, we showed that a novel paradigmatic measure, inflectional paradigm size, predicts word naming latencies and acoustic durations. These results fit well with Word-and-Paradigm morphology (Blevins 2016) and argue against strictly (de)compositional models of lexical processing.     

Morphology, language and the brain: the decompositional substrate for language comprehension

This paper outlines a neurocognitive approach to human language, focusing on inflectional morphology and grammatical function in English. Taking as a starting point the selective deficits for regular inflectional morphology of a group of non-fluent patients with left hemisphere damage, we argue for a core decompositional network linking left inferior frontal cortex with superior and middle temporal cortex, connected via the arcuate fasciculus. This network handles the processing of regularly inflected words (such as joined or treats), which are argued not to be stored as whole forms and which require morpho-phonological parsing in order to segment complex forms into stems and inflectional affixes. This parsing process operates early and automatically upon all potential inflected forms and is triggered by their surface phonological properties. The predictions of this model were confirmed in a further neuroimaging study, using event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), on unimpaired young adults. The salience of grammatical morphemes for the language system is highlighted by new research showing that similarly early and blind segmentation also operates for derivationally complex forms (such as darkness or rider). These findings are interpreted as evidence for a hidden decompositional substrate to human language processing and related to a functional architecture derived from non-human primate models.     

Investigations on markedness,syncretism and zero exponence in morphology

The inventories of subject clitics in northern Italian varieties are affected by widespread morphological changes. One of these changes is syncretism. In addition, many dialects display defective paradigms where some of the clitics are missing. The clitics that undergo syncretism and the clitics that are missing tend to be the same: the first person singular and plural, the second plural, and, less frequently, the third plural. Working in the framework of Distributed Morphology, I argue that these clitics are the target of markedness constraints that trigger repair operations leading to either syncretism or the removal of forms from a paradigm. In particular, I propose two such operations: one is feature deletion, which deletes a marked feature specification. This operation is always followed by feature insertion, which inserts the opposite value of the deleted feature specification (this operation leads to syncretism). The other one is obliteration, which deletes a morphosyntactic node and leads to underspecified morphosyntactic representations (this operation leads to paradigmatic gaps). I investigate how these operations affect the morphological exponents in PF, creating syncretisms and gaps in exponence.     

On the double nature of productivity in inflectional morphology

Inflection is generally considered to be more productive than derivation. To justify such an assumption, the syntactic function of inflectional morphology is contrasted with the mainly lexical function of derivational morphology. In this paper, the whole question will be carefully discussed with the help of recently developed quantitative approaches to productivity. On the basis of data taken from Italian, it will be shown that a quantitative approach to productivity can shed light on this intricate question by revealing the double nature of inflectional morphology, which on the one hand sides with derivational morphology because of its lexically conditioned inflectional classes. On the other, it scores very high productivity rates for the single inflectional categories in accordance with its syntactic function. Furthermore, the productivity rates of the inflectional categories considered are shown to be not uniform: several factors may influence their productivity, as for instance the substitutive usage of periphrases with modals, even in a language like Italian in which the latter are far less grammaticalized than in others. Parts of this paper were presented at the XI International Morphology Meeting held in Vienna, 14th–17th February 2004, and in lectures given at the Universities of Graz, L’Aquila, Marburg, Roma Tre, and Salerno. I wish to express my gratitude to the people who discussed with me the ideas contained in the paper, and in particular to my colleague and friend Davide Ricca, who has been sharing with me the pleasure and the hard work of conducting quantitative investigations on Italian morphology. Many ideas contained in the paper are the result of constant and animated discussions with him. Finally, I am very much indebted to the editor Ingo Plag and two anonymous reviewers for remarkable observations and comments. Needless to say, I carry the full responsability for errors and misunderstandings contained in the paper.     

On the way from morphology to phonology: German linking elements and the role of the phonological word

German linking elements are sometimes classified as inflectional affixes, sometimes as derivational affixes, and in any case as morphological units with at least seven realisations (e.g. -s-, -es-, -(e)n-, -e-). This article seeks to show that linking elements are hybrid elements situated between morphology and phonology. On the one hand, they have a clear morphological status since they occur only within compounds (and before a very small set of suffixes) and support the listener in decoding them. On the other hand, they also have to be analysed on the phonological level, as will be shown in this article. Thus, they are marginal morphological units on the pathway to phonology (including prosodics). Although some alloforms can sometimes be considered former inflectional endings and in some cases even continue to demonstrate some inflectional behaviour (such as relatedness to gender and inflection class), they are on their way to becoming markers of ill-formed phonological words. In fact, linking elements, above all the linking -s-, which is extremely productive, help the listener decode compounds containing a bad phonological word as their first constituent, such as Geburt+s+tag ‘birthday’ or Religion+s+unterricht ‘religious education’. By marking the end of a first constituent that differs from an unmarked monopedal phonological word, the linking element aids the listener in correctly decoding and analysing the compound. German compounds are known for their length and complexity, both of which have increased over time—along with the occurrence of linking elements, especially -s-. Thus, a profound instance of language change can be observed in contemporary German, one indicating its typological shift from syllable language to word language.     

Verbal morphology in Murrinh-Patha: evidence for templates

If questions concerning affix ordering are among the central ones in morphological theory, then languages with templatic morphology appear to provide the least interesting answer, since in these languages affix order must be simply stipulated in the form of arbitrary position classes. For this reason, much recent research into templatic morphology has attempted to show that affix order in such languages is in fact governed by underlying semantic or syntactic principles. The most fully articulated position in this respect is that of Rice (Morpheme order and semantic scope, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000), who provides a comprehensive analysis of morpheme order across the Athapaskan languages and argues that it is largely determined by universal principles of semantic (and syntactic) scope. If these principles of word formation are truly universal, we should expect to find evidence for them in all similarly ‘templatic’ systems, including the head-marking languages of Australia. In this context, I discuss the order of verbal affixes in Murrinh-Patha and show that these data cannot be adequately accounted for by syntactic or semantic accounts of affix ordering, but rather provide strong support for the existence of templatic organization in morphological systems.     

Rule-based programming paradigm: a formal basis for biological, chemical and physical computation

A rule-based programming paradigm is described as a formal basis for biological, chemical and physical computations. In this paradigm, the computations are interpreted as the outcome arising out of interaction of elements in an object space. The interactions can create new elements (or same elements with modified attributes) or annihilate old elements according to specific rules. Since the interaction rules are inherently parallel, any number of actions can be performed cooperatively or competitively among the subsets of elements, so that the elements evolve toward an equilibrium or unstable or chaotic state. Such an evolution may retain certain invariant properties of the attributes of the elements. The object space resembles Gibbsian ensemble that corresponds to a distribution of points in the space of positions and momenta (called phase space). It permits the introduction of probabilities in rule applications. As each element of the ensemble changes over time, its phase point is carried into a new phase point. The evolution of this probability cloud in phase space corresponds to a distributed probabilistic computation. Thus, this paradigm can handle tor deterministic exact computation when the initial conditions are exactly specified and the trajectory of evolution is deterministic. Also, it can handle probabilistic mode of computation if we want to derive macroscopic or bulk properties of matter. We also explain how to support this rule-based paradigm using relational-database like query processing and transactions.     

Non-concatenative realization in the verbal inflection of Modern Hebrew

This paper examines the realization of inflectional paradigms in the Semitic root-and pattern morphological system of Modern Hebrew. In the first part of the paper, a system of realizational statements is proposed, in the spirit of the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993). Two different, independent positions V1 and V2 are identified and defined relative to a basic discontinuous set of elements, the root. Employing the notion of default status, which is accorded to the vocalization of Type I verbs in the past, this move allows for an optimally economic set of rules for the realization of all active and passive verbs. In the second part of the paper, the account is extended to roots with a final underlying glide?/j/. Within the verbal system, such roots give rise to a set of mostly vowel-final verbal stems. It?is claimed that the traditional analysis, according to which the different realizations are synchronically the phonological reflex of this final /j/, is untenable, and especially so because these verbs have almost exactly the same realization in all Types. Realization rules are then formalized with the conditioning environment being this underlying final /j/, with [j] as the default realization of this element. Thus, a third element /j/ is both a class-marker??it gives rise to a set of phonologically-arbitrary realizations??and a simple phoneme.     

Greek dialectal evidence for the role of the paradigm in inflectional change

Several dialectal variants of the inflectional ending for person, number, tense, and voice in the Modern Greek past imperfective nonactive paradigm are presented here by way of showing the relevance of dialect material for linguistic theory. In this case, the endings underwent reshapings based on other related endings (e.g., 3PL based on 1/2PL), providing a basis for understanding the nature of interactions among different “cells” within a paradigm and the constructs that can be employed to model them. As a result, both rules of referral and O–O correspondence relations are shown to have to take sub-word similarities into consideration, and various constraints on such interactions are considered and rejected in favor of a liberal view that allows for any cell to relate to any other cell. Finally, a distinction is motivated, based on cell-to-cell influences, between adventitious and significant syncretism of form.     

Inflectional paradigms have a base: evidence from s-Dissimilation in Southern German dialects

In many varieties of Southern German the contrast between /s/ and / / is neutralized to before /p t/ anywhere within a word (e.g. ‘mail’), but neutralization does not occur before inflectional suffixes (e.e. küss-t [kyst] ‘kiss (3 SG)’). It will be argued that the underapplication of neutralization before inflectional suffixes is an example of a Paradigm Uniformity effect: Neutralization is blocked from applying to the final /s/ of a stem so that it will retain a constant shape in a paradigm. Underapplication in examples like [kyst] follows from a requirement that the stem in a derived word be identical to the unaffixed base. By contrast, the German data will be shown to be problematic for the Optimal Paradigms model (McCarthy 2005), since this approach does not allow for a base in inflectional paradigms.     

A radically non-morphemic approach to bidirectional syncretism

This paper addresses the question of how certain kinds of overlapping syncretisms in inflectional paradigms can be accounted for that Baerman et al. (Language 80:807–824, 2005) refer to as convergent/divergent bidirectional syncretisms (based on earlier work by Stump, Inflectional morphology, 2001). Bidirectional syncretism strongly resists accounts in terms of standard rules of exponence (or similar devices) that correlate inflection markers with (often underspecified) morpho-syntactic specifications (such rules are used in many morphological theories; e.g., Anderson, A-morphous morphology, 1992; Halle and Marantz in The view from building, pp. 111–176, 1993; Aronoff, Morphology by itself, 1994; Wunderlich in Yearbook of morphology 1995, pp. 93–114, 1996; and Stump, Inflectional morphology, 2001). The reason is that it is difficult to capture overlapping distributions by natural classes. In view of this, rules of referral have been proposed to derive bidirectional syncretism (Stump, Inflectional morphology, 2001; Baerman et al. (Language 80:807–824, 2005)). In contrast, I would like to pursue the hypothesis that systematic instances of overlapping syncretism ultimately motivate a new approach to inflectional morphology—one that fully dispenses with the assumption that morphological exponents are paired with morpho-syntactic feature specifications (and that therefore qualifies as radically non-morphemic): First, rules of exponence are replaced with feature co-occurrence restrictions (FCRs; Gazdar et al., Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar, 1985). For phonologically determined natural classes of exponents, FCRs state incompatibilites with morpho-syntactic feature specifications. Second, marker competition is resolved by a principle of Phonology-driven Marker Selection (PMS). PMS takes over the role of the Specificity (Blocking, Elsewhere, Panini) Principle of standard analyses. Empirically, the main focus is on Bonan declension; the analysis is subsequently extended to Gujarati conjugation and Latin o-declension, with further remarks on bidirectional syncretism in other inflectional paradigms.     

Suffix combinations in Bulgarian: parsability and hierarchy-based ordering

This article extends the empirical scope of the most recent approach to affix ordering, the Parsability Hypothesis (Hay 2001, 2002, 2003) or Complexity-Based Ordering (CBO) (Plag 2002; Hay and Plag 2004; Plag and Baayen 2009), to the inflecting-fusional morphological type, as represented by the South Slavic language Bulgarian. In order to account properly for the structure of the Bulgarian word, I distinguish between suffixes that are in the derivational word slot and suffixes that are in the inflectional word slot and show that inflectional suffix combinations are more easily parsable than derivational suffix combinations. Derivational suffixes participate in mirror-image combinations of AB–BA type and can be also attached recursively. The order of 12 out of the 22 derivational suffixes under scrutiny in this article is thus incompatible with CBO. With respect to recursiveness and productivity, the Bulgarian word exhibits three domains of suffixation (in order of increasing productivity): (1) a non-diminutive derivational domain, where a suffix may attach recursively on non-adjacent cycles; (2) a diminutive domain, where a suffix may attach recursively on adjacent cycles; and (3) an inflectional domain, where a suffix never attaches recursively. Overall, the results of this study conform to the last revision of the Parsability Hypothesis (Baayen et al. 2009); and if we see the derivational suffix slot and the inflectional suffix slot of the Bulgarian word as parallel to the non-native stratum and the Germanic stratum respectively in English word-formation, we can conclude that suffixes that are closer to the root tend to exhibit idiosyncrasies and appear less parsable in both languages.     

Ten simple rules for finding and selecting R packages

R is an increasingly preferred software environment for data analytics and statistical computing among scientists and practitioners. Packages markedly extend R’s utility and ameliorate inefficient solutions to data science problems. We outline 10 simple rules for finding relevant packages and determining which package is best for your desired use. We begin in Rule 1 with tips on how to consider your purpose, which will guide your search to follow, where, in Rule 2, you’ll learn best practices for finding and collecting options. Rules 3 and 4 will help you navigate packages’ profiles and explore the extent of their online resources, so that you can be confident in the quality of the package you choose and assured that you’ll be able to access support. In Rules 5 and 6, you’ll become familiar with how the R Community evaluates packages and learn how to assess the popularity and utility of packages for yourself. Rules 7 and 8 will teach you how to investigate and track package development processes, so you can further evaluate their merit. We end in Rules 9 and 10 with more hands-on approaches, which involve digging into package code.     

Phonological and morphological conditions on affix order in Huave

Huave, a language isolate of Mexico, has “mobile” affixes, which surface as prefixes or suffixes depending on morphophonological properties of the base to which they attach. This paper shows that despite affix mobility, the hierarchical structure of affixes is morphologically fixed. Meanwhile, the linearization algorithm for individual mobile affixes is analyzed with an Optimality-Theoretic P >> M ranking schema, where phonological well-formedness constraints outrank morphological alignment constraints. The proposed model is a revision of previous P >> M models in that morphological constraints are argued to be of the idiosyncratic, language-specific type previously used in subcategorization approaches to the morphology–phonology interface.     

The category of roots and the roots of categories: what we learn from selection in derivation

Selection—the tendency of derivational affixes to choose the category of their base—has most often been couched in terms of syntactic categories such as Noun, Verb, and Adjective. In recent years several theories have claimed, however, that roots are categoryless, and receive category only by virtue of being merged with functional projections of various sorts. This article examines three such theories—Distributed Morphology, Borer’s Exo-Skeletal model, and DiSciullo’s Asymmetrical Morphology, and determines that none of them can handle the phenomenon of affixal selection. We may, however, maintain the claim that roots lack syntactic category if we make use of a system of lexical semantic categorization that allows us to state selection in terms of semantic categories. It is shown that the framework of Lieber (2004) allows for such categorization, and moreover that semantic categorization permits us to make generalizations that are not available in a theory in which selection is purely on the basis of syntactic category. I am grateful to the faculty and students of the University of Patras, Greece for discussion and comments on an earlier version of this work. Thanks also to Sergio Scalise, Antonietta Bisetto, Chiara Melloni, and three anonymous reviewers for useful comments.