Applicants to Canadian Medical Schools for 1966-67

An examination of applicants to Canadian medical schools for 1966-67 revealed that 4534 applications were received for the approximately 974 available places. The number of Canadian applications was 2866 and these were made by 1815 individual applicants, an increase of 48 over 1965-66. United States applicants declined from 1143 to 1013.Evaluations made by the schools concerning the acceptability of the Canadian applicants disclosed that 55 applicants who rated as “acceptable” by one or more schools failed to gain admission to any medical school in 1966-67 (as compared to 36 in 1965-66). However, of those applicants who did find a place 76 were evaluated as “marginal” or “unacceptable”, while another 126 were rated as “acceptable” by one school but “marginal” and/or “acceptable” by one or more other schools.These results were interpreted to imply that the Canadian medical schools were still experiencing difficulty in attracting well-qualified applicants for study in medicine.     

Canadian Applicants to Medical Schools in Canada for 1965-66

An examination of applicants to Canadian medical schools for 1965-66 revealed that 4660 applications were received by the 12 schools for approximately 900 places available; 2852 of these were from Canadians, but because many applicants applied to more than one school, these 2852 applications represented only 1767 individuals. Evaluations made by the schools concerning the acceptability of these applicants showed that only 36 persons rated as “acceptable” by one or more schools failed to gain admission to any Canadian school for 1965-66. Furthermore, 66 “marginal” applicants were accepted, as were 130 multiple applicants who were rated as “acceptable” by one school but “marginal” and/or “unacceptable” by one or more other schools. Of the 464 multiple applicants, only 40% received the same evaluation from all schools to which they applied. If those multiple applicants who were rated as acceptable by all schools to which they applied are added to single applicants rated as acceptable, the pool of these clearly acceptable candidates (40% of all Canadian applicants) is sufficient only to fill 78% of places available. It was thus concluded that it is erroneous to speak of a surplus of well-qualified Canadian applicants at the present time.     

The Role of Medical Language in Changing Public Perceptions of Illness

This study was designed to investigate the impact of medical terminology on perceptions of disease. Specifically, we look at the changing public perceptions of newly medicalized disorders with accompanying newly medicalized terms (e.g. impotence has become erectile dysfunction disorder). Does using “medicalese” to label a recently medicalized disorder lead to a change in the perception of that condition? Undergraduate students (n = 52) rated either the medical or lay label for recently medicalized disorders (such as erectile dysfunction disorder vs. impotence) and established medical conditions (such as a myocardial infarction vs. heart attack) for their perceived seriousness, disease representativeness and prevalence. Students considered the medical label of the recently medicalized disease to be more serious (mean = 4.95 (SE = .27) vs. mean = 3.77 (SE = .24) on a ten point scale), more representative of a disease (mean = 2.47 (SE = .09) vs. mean = 1.83 (SE = .09) on a four point scale), and have lower prevalence (mean = 68 (SE = 12.6) vs. mean = 122 (SE = 18.1) out of 1,000) than the same disease described using common language. A similar pattern was not seen in the established medical conditions, even when controlled for severity. This study demonstrates that the use of medical language in communication can induce bias in perception; a simple switch in terminology results in a disease being perceived as more serious, more likely to be a disease, and more likely to be a rare condition. These findings regarding the conceptualization of disease have implications for many areas, including medical communication with the public, advertising, and public policy.     

Evaluation of Early Diagnostic Services for the Elderly

Medical examination was offered to a group of “high risk” old people who were not necessarily patients or known to their family doctors, but with the agreement of these family doctors. Two clinics set up for this purpose have been running for several years, and the results of examination and follow-up of 300 consecutive patients are reported.Major conditions were found in two-thirds of patients producing functional impairment in most of these.Recommendations as to therapy and management were carried out in 161 of 194 patients but not in the remainder.Clear evidence of improvement was found in half of the patients who carried out recommendations, and this improvement was attributable to earlier diagnosis than would have been achieved without these clinics in 42% of cases.Including all patients examined, the proportion helped by early diagnosis at 18 to 30 months'' follow-up was 23%.It is concluded that the offer of a routine examination to high risk groups is of benefit to old people and a form of medical practice which should be widely adopted.     

Patients’ attitudes to the summary care record and HealthSpace: qualitative study

Objective To document the views of patients and the public towards the summary care record (SCR, a centrally stored medical record drawn from the general practice record) and HealthSpace (a personal health organiser accessible through the internet from which people can view their SCR), with a particular focus on those with low health literacy, potentially stigmatising conditions, or difficulties accessing health care.Design 103 semistructured individual interviews and seven focus groups.Setting Three early adopter primary care trusts in England where the SCR and HealthSpace are being piloted. All were in areas of relative socioeconomic deprivation.Participants Individual participants were recruited from general practice surgeries, walk-in centres, out of hours centres, and accident and emergency departments. Participants in focus groups were recruited through voluntary sector organisations; they comprised advocates of vulnerable groups and advocates of people who speak limited English; people with HIV; users of mental health services; young adults; elderly people; and participants of a drug rehabilitation programme.Methods Participants were asked if they had received information about the SCR and HealthSpace and about their views on shared electronic records in different circumstances.Results Most people were not aware of the SCR or HealthSpace and did not recall receiving information about it. They saw both benefits and drawbacks to having an SCR and described a process of weighing the former against the latter when making their personal choice. Key factors influencing this choice included the nature of any illness (especially whether it was likely to lead to emergency care needs); past and present experience of healthcare and government surveillance; the person’s level of engagement and health literacy; and their trust and confidence in the primary healthcare team and the wider NHS. Overall, people with stigmatising illness were more positive about the SCR than people who claimed to speak for “vulnerable groups.” Misconceptions about the SCR were common, especially confusion about what data it contained and who would have access to it. Most people were not interested in recording their medical data or accessing their SCR via HealthSpace, but some saw the potential for this new technology to support self management and lay care for those with chronic illness.Conclusion Despite an extensive information programme in early adopter sites, the public remains unclear about current policy on shared electronic records, though most people view these as a positive development. The “implied consent” model for creating and accessing a person’s SCR should be revisited, perhaps in favour of “consent to view” at the point of access.     

Collective Intelligence Meets Medical Decision-Making: The Collective Outperforms the Best Radiologist

While collective intelligence (CI) is a powerful approach to increase decision accuracy, few attempts have been made to unlock its potential in medical decision-making. Here we investigated the performance of three well-known collective intelligence rules (“majority”, “quorum”, and “weighted quorum”) when applied to mammography screening. For any particular mammogram, these rules aggregate the independent assessments of multiple radiologists into a single decision (recall the patient for additional workup or not). We found that, compared to single radiologists, any of these CI-rules both increases true positives (i.e., recalls of patients with cancer) and decreases false positives (i.e., recalls of patients without cancer), thereby overcoming one of the fundamental limitations to decision accuracy that individual radiologists face. Importantly, we find that all CI-rules systematically outperform even the best-performing individual radiologist in the respective group. Our findings demonstrate that CI can be employed to improve mammography screening; similarly, CI may have the potential to improve medical decision-making in a much wider range of contexts, including many areas of diagnostic imaging and, more generally, diagnostic decisions that are based on the subjective interpretation of evidence.     

Traditional Health Beliefs and Practices Among Lower Class Black Americans

The medical belief system of lower class black Americans reflects their social, political and economic marginality in the larger society. A moderate life-style is regarded as the basis for good health with special emphasis on protecting one''s body from cold, keeping it clean inside and out and maintaining a proper diet. Illnesses and other life events are classified as “natural” or “unnatural.” Natural illnesses result from the effects of cold, dirt and improper diet on the body causing changes in the blood. A number of beliefs about blood and its functions have important clinical implications for the treatment of hypertension and venereal disease and for family planning. Natural illnesses also result from divine punishment and serve as an instrument of social control. Unnatural illnesses are the result of witchcraft and reflect conflict in the social network. It is believed that physicians do not understand and cannot effectively treat such illnesses, but a variety of traditional healers offer help to the victims. Physicians must elicit such beliefs if they are to interact effectively and sensitively with black patients. Social change is required, however, to eliminate the feelings of powerlessness at the root of many of the health problems of poor black Americans.     

The Medical Practitioner,Alcoholism and Motivation

Adverse influences on motivation for recovery from alcoholism must be searched for in three areas: society, the medical practitioner and the patient. Society is ambivalent because there is a vicarious release through identification with the cheerful “drunk” coupled with unconscious envy and resentment leading to punitive action.The current “alcohol culture” decrees that to drink is to be well, not to drink is to be ill.The medical profession attempts to suppress, deny, rationalize or reject the problem of alcoholism because it involves a change in attitude and recognition of limitations.The alcoholic patient has a notorious lack of motivation, but this must be recognized as a symptom of his disease, and with certain techniques this symptom is treatable. Furthermore, motivation fluctuates and many opportunities for treatment are available when the medical practitioner can detect that motivation is high. At times a coercive approach is required, at times a permissive one; and the optimal use of such approaches will increase the motivation to an effective level.     

2009 Society for Medical Anthropology Conference: Training,Communication, and Competence: The Making of Health Care Professionals

The role of medical anthropology in tackling the problems and challenges at the intersections of public health, medicine, and technology was addressed during the 2009 Society for Medical Anthropology Conference at Yale University in an interdisciplinary panel session entitled Training, Communication, and Competence: The Making of Health Care Professionals.The discipline of medical anthropology is not very formalized in the health setting. Although medical anthropologists work across a number of health organizations, including schools of public health, at the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), and at non-governmental organizations (NGOs), there is an emerging demand for an influential applied medical anthropology that contributes both pragmatically and theoretically to the health care field.The role of anthropology at the intersections of public health, medicine, and technology was addressed during the 2009 Society for Medical Anthropology Conference at Yale University in September. In a conference session entitled Training, Communication, and Competence: The Making of Health Care Professionals, health professional career issues, including training and education, medical entrepreneurship, and the maintenance of clinical relationships with patients were examined. The presentations encompassed macro approaches to institutional reform in training, education, and health care delivery, as well as micro studies of practitioner-patient interaction. Seemingly disparate methodological, disciplinary, and theoretical orientations were united to assess the increasing relevance of medically oriented anthropology in addressing the challenges of health care delivery, health education, and training.Margaret Bentley, a professor of public health at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, spoke about the increasing “epidemic of global health” in universities, noting a doubling of global health majors within the past three years. Despite this expansion of the field, a common discipline of global health continues to be developed. In September, the Association of Schools of Public Health (ASPH) and the University of Minnesota hosted a Global Health Core Competency Development Consensus Conference with the initiative to explore “workforce needs, practice settings, and to identify core constructs, competency domains, and a preliminary global health competency model”¹. Given the current variability in training, Bentley believes medical anthropology is uniquely suited to inform training in global health because of its offerings in the way of interdisciplinary methods and team-based applied field experience.Anthropologists Carl Kendall of Tulane University and Laetitia Atlani of Université de Paris X Nanterre have seen medical anthropologists examine models of health strictly within a clinical experience. Understanding of the social determinants of epidemiology, methodological issues of population health, and survey research is crucial. However, training individuals through a more formalized program (currently in development in Europe) will allow anthropologists to better understand context, explain complex models, humanize aggregate statistics, and articulate methods of the multidimensional “social field” of health outside of the clinical experience.The social field of health, however, as Robert Like of the University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey explained, shares an uncomfortable interface with clinical medicine. Recent efforts by the New Jersey Board of Examiners to incorporate cultural competency legislation have been robustly criticized. Evaluations of six-hour training sessions on cultural competency training have revealed health professionals’ frustration with the health care system’s inability to deal with “culturally different” individuals. In fact, the majority of health professionals who were required to complete the training believe cultural competency to be an area of study that is a “waste of time.”This opposition to cross-cultural education and the value of “cultural competence” training also has been a topic of great debate among anthropologists and health researchers. Despite the ubiquitous use of the term among research and health professionals, cultural competency is a term that cannot be defined precisely enough to operationalize.In “Anthropology in the Clinic: The Problem of Cultural Competency and How to Fix It,” Arthur Kleinman and Peter Benson asserted that the static notion of culture in the medical field “suggests that a culture can be reduced to a technical skill for which clinicians can be trained to develop expertise” [1]. T.S. Harvey, a linguistic and medical anthropologist at the University of California, Riverside, expounded on Kleinman’s opposition to competence as an acquired “technical skill” [1] and suggested reconceptualizing the approach to competence as communication. Although Kleinman’s explanatory models approach [2] provides a health care professional with what to ask the patient, Harvey pulls from Dell Hymes’ communicative competence [3] to understand how to ask it. Harvey recommended viewing competence as a “sociolinguistic acquisition … like a foreign language” where competencies are rule-governed and communication and speech events are formulaic.Harvey also noted that the “onus of cultural competency” is too often placed on the practitioner. Inevitably, there is an asymmetry in every clinical encounter, whereby the “would-be patient” is perpetually considered the “passive receptor.” Patients also share a stake in their health and, as such, should be taught communicative competence as well.Harvey also noted that the “onus of cultural competency” is too often placed on the practitioner. Inevitably, there is an asymmetry in every clinical encounter, whereby the “would-be patient” is perpetually considered the “passive receptor.” Patients also share a stake in their health and, as such, should be taught communicative competence as well.The role of the patient is made ever more complex by the power relationship that exists in the patient-provider context. Through ethnographic research, Sylvie Fainzang, director of research in the Inserm (Cermes), examines how doctors and patients lie. She argues that lying, in the context of secrecy, is an indication of a power relationship [4]. Fainzaing’s further research on the relationship between doctors and patients has yielded additional information on how patients learn about their diagnoses and how they will react to these diagnoses. Though a clinical encounter between a doctor and patient is expected to be one of informed consent, doctors often judge patients upon their ability to “intellectually understand” [4] and assess who is “psychologically ready” [4] to bear the information. This leads to manipulated, misinformed, and “resigned consent” [4]. This sort of social training of obligation of a subject to medical authority provides the patient with the choice either to conform or overthrow the rules as defined by society.Collectively, this interdisciplinary panel worked to inform the discussion on how medical anthropology can address training, communication, and competence at the intersections of medicine, public health, and education. By reviewing health professionals’ growing interest in public health, training in health education and competence, and the patient-provider relationship, medical anthropology can be seen as both relevant and necessary to addressing the challenges faced by the medical and health community today.     

Production of Artificial “Case Histories” by using a Small Computer

This paper describes a method of producing artificial “case histories” by using probability theory and clinical data from a series of 600 patients with acute abdominal pain. A series of 12 such cases were distributed to clinicians, medical students, medical secretaries and technicians, and members of the general public. For each “case” most clinicians concurred with the intended diagnosis. So did the medical secretaries and technicians; indeed this group were more confident of their chosen diagnoses than were the clinicians.It is suggested that clinicians are concerned to a large extent with the consequences of a diagnosis as well as its accuracy, and are motivated to some degree by a fear of the consequences of failure. They may be justified in adopting this policy, for when “errors” in diagnosis are harshly penalized the clinicians were infinitely more effective than any of the other groups.     

What can experience add to early medical education? Consensus survey

Objective To provide a rationale for integrating experience into early medical education (“early experience”).Design Small group discussions to obtain stakeholders'' views. Grounded theory analysis with respondent, internal, and external validation.Setting Problem based, undergraduate medical curriculum that is not vertically integrated.Participants A purposive sample of 64 students, staff, and curriculum leaders from three university medical schools in the United Kingdom.Results Without early experience, the curriculum was socially isolating and divorced from clinical practice. The abruptness of students'' transition to the clinical environment in year 3 generated positive and negative emotions. The rationale for early experience would be to ease the transition; orientate the curriculum towards the social context of practice; make students more confident to approach patients; motivate them; increase their awareness of themselves and others; strengthen, deepen, and contextualise their theoretical knowledge; teach intellectual skills; strengthen learning of behavioural and social sciences; and teach them about the role of health professionals.Conclusion A rationale for early experience would be to strengthen and deepen cognitively, broaden affectively, contextualise, and integrate medical education. This is partly a process of professional socialisation that should start earlier to avoid an abrupt transition. “Experience” can be defined as “authentic human contact in a social or clinical context that enhances learning of health, illness or disease, and the role of the health professional.”     

Unlocking Patients with Mental Disorders Who Were in Restraints at Home: A National Follow-Up Study of China’s New Public Mental Health Initiatives

Background

In 2005, China implemented a demonstration program known as “686” to scale-up nation-wide basic mental health services designed to improve access to evidence-based care and to promote human rights for people with severe mental disorders. As part of the 686 Program, teams “unlocked” and provided continuous mental health care to people with severe mental disorders who were found in restraints and largely untreated in their family homes. We implemented a nation-wide two-stage follow-up study to measure the effectiveness and sustainability of the “unlocking and treatment” intervention and its impact on the well-being of patients’ families.

Methods

266 patients unlocked from 2005 in “686” demonstration sites across China were recruited in Stage One of the study in 2009. In 2012, 230 of the 266 cases were re-interviewed (the Stage Two study). Outcome measures included the patient medication adherence and social functioning, family burden ratings, and relocking rate. We utilized pre-post tests to analyze the changes over time following the unlocking efforts.

Results

96% of patients were diagnosed with schizophrenia. Prior to unlocking, their total time locked ranged from two weeks to 28 years, with 32% having been locked multiple times. The number of persons regularly taking medicines increased from one person at the time of unlocking to 74% in 2009 and 76% in 2012. Pre-post tests showed sustained improvement in patient social functioning and significant reductions in family burden. Over 92% of patients remained free of restraints in 2012.

Conclusion

Practice-based evidence from our study suggests an important model for protecting the human rights of people with mental disorders and keeping them free of restraints can be achieved by providing accessible, community based mental health services with continuity of care. China’s “686” Program can inform similar efforts in low-resource settings where community locking of patients is practiced.     

Behavioral and Emotional Dynamics of Two People Struggling to Reach Consensus about a Topic on Which They Disagree

We studied the behavioral and emotional dynamics displayed by two people trying to resolve a conflict. 59 groups of two people were asked to talk for 20 minutes to try to reach a consensus about a topic on which they disagreed. The topics were abortion, affirmative action, death penalty, and euthanasia. Behavior data were determined from audio recordings where each second of the conversation was assessed as proself, neutral, or prosocial. We determined the probability density function of the durations of time spent in each behavioral state. These durations were well fit by a stretched exponential distribution, with an exponent, , of approximately 0.3. This indicates that the switching between behavioral states is not a random Markov process, but one where the probability to switch behavioral states decreases with the time already spent in that behavioral state. The degree of this “memory” was stronger in those groups who did not reach a consensus and where the conflict grew more destructive than in those that did. Emotion data were measured by having each person listen to the audio recording and moving a computer mouse to recall their negative or positive emotional valence at each moment in the conversation. We used the Hurst rescaled range analysis and power spectrum to determine the correlations in the fluctuations of the emotional valence. The emotional valence was well described by a random walk whose increments were uncorrelated. Thus, the behavior data demonstrated a “memory” of the duration already spent in a behavioral state while the emotion data fluctuated as a random walk whose steps did not have a “memory” of previous steps. This work demonstrates that statistical analysis, more commonly used to analyze physical phenomena, can also shed interesting light on the dynamics of processes in social psychology and conflict management.     

Another Look at the Medical “Generation Gap”—Second Triennial Survey of Attitudes of Medical Students and Recent Graduates

A 1969 survey of attitudes held by medical students and recent graduates was repeated in 1972, using the same samples of respondents and adding a new freshman group. Findings from both surveys showed that a “generation gap” existed on many issues.Furthermore, a comparison of the two studies suggested that two kinds of attitude change are occurring simultaneously. On some issues, the next generation of physicians will probably continue to differ from their predecessors. Perhaps the primary thread woven through this cluster of attitudes is that today''s medical students and young physicians perceive themselves as members of a larger structure for providing health care.However, many of the students'' attitudes held early in their medical careers appear to have been modified in the process of becoming physicians. It appears that medical education continues to convey many traditional professional values to students, and it seems likely that tomorrow''s physicians will retain a core of those values.     

The Selection of Medical Students in Western Canada

The methods employed in the selection of medical students for the 1964-65 class of freshmen at the four Western medical schools are described and recommendations are made for improving the procedure. The structure and functions of the various selection committees varied from school to school but their prime purpose was the same—the selection of “good students” who would later become “good physicians”. Not surprisingly, academic achievement and confidence in estimating this ranked highest in importance, and while non-intellectual characteristics ranked almost as high, committee members had no confidence that they could evaluate these qualities.It is suggested that the ideal selection committee would be a “high-priority” committee consisting of six to eight members who would meet at least twice a year, have tenure of at least four years, be trained in interviewing applicants, consider Medical College Admission Test scores, review applications before each meeting, and establish research committees to investigate the students they choose.     

Migraine: Intelligence,Social Class,and Familial Prevalence

Groups of individuals with headache, unilateral headache, and migraine, and a fourth group who had not had a headache in the previous year, were identified by questionnaire from a random sample of adults in the general population. Intelligence and social class were assessed in about 400 individuals. There was no evidence that individuals with migraine were more intelligent or of higher social class. There was, however, a suggestion that the more intelligent individuals with migraine, and those in social classes I and II, were more likely to consult a doctor for their headaches. This trend might explain the origin of the hypotheses associating migraine with intelligence and with social class.Random samples of individuals with migraine with headache and without headache in the previous year were the probands for a family study. There were 524 first-degree relatives over 21 years of age who lived in South Wales. Headache histories, obtained “blindly” from over 99% of these relatives with a standard questionnaire, were classified as migraine, possible migraine, headache, or without headache in the previous year. The prevalence of migraine in the families of the migrainous probands was nearly twice as high as the prevalence in the other families, but this difference was not statistically significant. It is suggested that family history should not be included in the definition of migraine and that heredity is much less important in migraine than is usually supposed.     

Significance of Literacy in the Performance of Students in the First Year of the Nottingham Medical Course

The “literacy” of a fresh intake of medical students as measured by standardized vocabulary tests has been measured and correlated with examination performance during the first year. Although most students lacked an upper social class upbringing, medical parents, or a classical education, the group performed to a high standard in the tests, comparable with an English honours intake. On the other hand, there appears to be no correlation between an extensive working vocabulary and the ability to perform well in any aspect of the course, apart from the community studies. A qualification in Latin confers no advantage at all on the aspiring doctor.     

The Premedical Education of the First-Year Class in Canadian Medical Schools: 1965-66

The premedical academic records of the 1965-66 entering class of Canadian medical students were analysed. Ninety-six per cent of the class had taken their preparation in a Canadian institution, while 80% had taken it in the same university as the medical school in which they enrolled. Forty per cent entered without a degree, the remainder having at least a bachelor''s degree in arts or science.Thirty-six per cent of all courses taken by these students in their premedical education were in the physical sciences, 22% in the biological sciences and 41% in the social sciences and humanities. One-third of the students had taken no course in the behavioural sciences and another third had taken only one course.Analysis of the level of performance of the entering class showed that 10% had obtained an A average, 49% a B average, 41% a C average and 3% a D average. The grades of these students were higher generally in the natural sciences than in the social sciences or humanities.It was concluded that it could be questioned whether medical students received a premedical preparation which met the philosophy of a “broad, liberal education”.     

Town Mouse or Country Mouse: Identifying a Town Dislocation Effect in Chinese Urbanization

Understanding urbanization and evaluating its impact are vital for formulating global sustainable development. The results obtained from evaluating the impact of urbanization, however, depend on the kind of measurement used. With the goal of increasing our understanding of the impact of urbanization, we developed direct and indirect subjective indicators to measure how people assess their living situation. The survey revealed that the projected endorsements and perceived social ambiance of people toward living in different types of settlements did not improve along with the urbanization level in China. The assessment scores from the city dwellers were not significantly different from those from the country areas and, more surprisingly, both were significantly higher than the assessment scores of the town dwellers, which we had expected to fall between the assessment scores of the country and city dwellers. Instead their scores were the lowest. We dubbed this V-shaped relationship the “town dislocation effect.” When searching for a potential explanation for this effect, we found additional town dislocation effects in social support, loss aversion, and receptivity toward genetically modified food. Further analysis showed that only social support mediated the relationship between the three tiers of settlements (cities, country areas, and towns) and the subjective indicator. The projected endorsements yielded significant subjective assessments that could enhance our understanding of Chinese urbanization. Towns posed specific problems that require special attention.     

Coronary Care Unit in a General Medical Ward

A five-bedded coronary care unit has been set up within a general medical ward without the provision of extra medical or nursing staff. During 30 months 1,000 patients were admitted. Sixty-three developed cardiac arrest; 28 were resuscitated successfully initially; and 18 were eventually discharged. The corresponding figures for the 28 patients with ventricular fibrillation treated by direct current defibrillation were 20 and 12 respectively. The mortality rate during the first three days (the usual length of stay in the unit) was 8·9% compared with 9·7% after transfer to the general ward. It is suggested that these results are comparable with those from more highly staffed purpose-built units.