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1.
Research has revealed an association between individual physical strength and attitudinal support for modern war. Physical strength of one individual has an infinitesimal effect on the outcomes of state-level aggression involving large-scale armies and complex military technology. The fact that stronger individuals do support such aggression hints at an evolved psychology specialized for small-scale coalitional aggression, where strength of coalition members non-negligibly contribute to the net coalition strength. Here, I examined whether strength also accounts for participation in modern political aggression, as contrasted to mere support. Given that contemporary political aggression primarily occurs within—not between—states, I focused on intra-state forms of political violence, specifically violent antigovernment protests. To enhance external and ecological validity, I relied on large probability samples from both non-WEIRD and WEIRD countries experiencing political violence (N = 6283; interviewees were quota-sampled from YouGov online panels to generate representative samples of online adult populations). Multinational analyses revealed that self-perceived strength significantly predicts intentions to participate in political violence and self-reported participation, and that this association is stronger among young interviewees, but not among men (compared to women). The predictive power of strength was modest but comparable to that of gender, an established predictor of aggression. I discuss why the fact that strength—a physiological variable—relates to political violence—a complex modern phenomenon—is remarkable. Subsequently, I suggest a new research agenda that draws on insights from evolutionary research to study modern political violence.  相似文献   

2.
Foraging of planktotrophic larvae of echinoderm common species in the Peter the Great Bay (Sea of Japan) was estimated on the basis of distribution of phyto- and meroplankton. The diversity and abundance of phytoplankton in the studied area in summer months were shown (141 algae species; abundance—up to 743000 cells/m3; biomass—more than 2.7 g/m3 of fresh weight). It was found that in Peter the Great Bay the diet of echinoderm larvae depended on their feeding behavior, duration of their pelagic stage, and abundance and size composition of phytoplankton, included up to several micrograms of fresh algae per larva.  相似文献   

3.
Peter Marler made a number of significant contributions to the field of ethology, particularly in the area of animal communication. His research on birdsong learning gave rise to a thriving subfield. An important tenet of this growing subfield is that parallels between birdsong and human speech make songbirds valuable as models in comparative and translational research, particularly in the case of vocal learning and development. Decades ago, Marler pointed out several phenomena common to the processes of vocal development in songbirds and humans—including a dependence on early acoustic experience, sensitive periods, predispositions, auditory feedback, intrinsic reinforcement, and a progression through distinct developmental stages—and he advocated for the value of comparative study in this domain. We review Marler's original comparisons between birdsong and speech ontogeny and summarize subsequent progress in research into these and other parallels. We also revisit Marler's arguments in support of the comparative study of vocal development in the context of its widely recognized value today.  相似文献   

4.
In the current Spanish conjuncture, characterized by political and economic crisis and the rapid impoverishment of the working classes, we have seen the emergence of moral discourses around indignation and the demand of dignity. While these moral exhortations have rightly been scrutinized with skepticism from Marxist positions for their lack of attention to political economic structures, this paper discusses whether we can find in them elements for what Gavin Smith calls a “revindicative politics,” able to transcend the frame of reference of the society of capital. Exploring the notion of dignity both in the Indignados movement and in my own ethnographic field site of Southern Catalonia—a region where claims to dignity have saturated the sphere of the political for decades—I suggest that the demand for dignity should be understood as an expression of what Ernst Bloch called “nonsynchronous contradictions,” being not entirely reducible to the contemporary workings of capitalist accumulation. Dignity points toward unsettled memories and unfulfilled pasts as well as to a rejection of servile relations and the desire to make sense of oneself outside of the morality of capital. Understanding this demand for dignity forces Marxist anthropologists to look at capital from the “margins,” challenging its centrality. In so doing it also invites us to refine and invigorate our critique of political economy.  相似文献   

5.
Thesis abstracts     
《Austral ecology》1984,9(2):157-158
Interactions among animals and algae in an intertidal zone dominated by barnacles Peter Jernakoff An investigation of ecological relationships — experimental studies of the interactions between the sowthistle aphid, Hyperomyzus lactucae and its parasite, Aphidus sonchi Liu Shu-Sheng  相似文献   

6.
Conditions of being left behind in economic and political terms are keenly felt in many areas of Melanesia and the wider Pacific Islands—as is more generally the case in many developing and also developed countries. Insofar as modern expectations portend a future that should be improving, it is unsurprising that modern expectations or entitlements are throttled by economic and political downturns across many cultural and class conditions. Ensuing circumstances are not so much ‘post’ modern—since ideals of modern progress are not given up—as they are ‘reactively’ modern in cultural terms. In this context, a poignant and longstanding sense of backwardness in many areas of the insular Pacific arguably provides a cultural bellwether of increasingly widespread perceptions and reactions elsewhere. Among the Gebusi of Papua New Guinea prolonged economic downturn under conditions of marginality and remoteness has thrown people back on their own material and cultural resources. Despite a general absence of cash economy, monetisation or fiscalisation of ‘work’ increasingly orchestrates social relations. So, too, in the absence of government presence, police, or courts, mechanisms of dispute mediation have become locally developed and effectively elaborated, including through rhetorics of monetary compensation that were previously undeveloped in indigenous contexts of person‐for‐person exchange both in marriage and in death. In selected ways, reactive modernity among Gebusi has features that seem salutary—evoking an ‘anthropology of the good’—despite and even because of Gebusi's politicoeconomic marginality. Drawing on work by Ortner, Robbins, and others, the larger relevance of this development reframes the relevance of Dark Anthropology and an Anthropology of the Good.  相似文献   

7.
传统的植物学理论中, 被子植物雌蕊的基本单位心皮被认为是变态的叶(即大孢子叶)通过纵向对折和内卷演化而来。该理论造成了被子植物和裸子植物之间不可逾越的鸿沟。近年来提出的一统理论认为被子植物的心皮由长胚珠的枝和包裹这个枝的叶共同组成, 从而弥合了被子植物与裸子植物之间的鸿沟。最近, 当代植物学界两大权威人物Peter R. Crane和Peter K. Endress分别撰文, 发表了不同于传统理论的观点。Endress认为, 心皮由胚珠和叶性器官组成; 而Crane认为, 所有的胚珠都长在枝上。结合二者的结论, 不难得出“心皮实际上等同于一个长胚珠的枝加上一个叶”的论断。这在某种意义上等于认同了一统理论的观点。两位权威人物观点的转变预示着植物学理论将很快发生根本性的转变。该文向国内植物学同行通报这一最新动态, 以期让我国学者能够了解最新理论。  相似文献   

8.
50 years ago Peter Mitchell proposed the chemiosmotic hypothesis for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Chemistry in 1978. His comprehensive review on chemiosmotic coupling known as the first "Grey Book", has been reprinted here with permission, to offer an electronic record and easy access to this important contribution to the biochemical literature. This remarkable account of Peter Mitchell's ideas originally published in 1966 is a landmark and must-read publication for any scientist in the field of bioenergetics. As far as was possible, the wording and format of the original publication have been retained. Some changes were required for consistency with BBA formats though these do not affect scientific meaning. A scanned version of the original publication is also provided as a downloadable file in Supplementary Information and can be found online at doi:10.1016/j.bbabio.2011.09.018. See also Editorial in this issue by Peter R. Rich. Original title: CHEMIOSMOTIC COUPLING IN OXIDATIVE AND PHOTOSYNTHETIC PHOSPHORYLATION, by Peter Mitchell, Glynn Research Laboratories, Bodmin, Cornwall, England.  相似文献   

9.
Established vaccine hesitancy measurement instruments, such as the Vaccine Hesitancy Determinants Matrix, are not sufficiently equipped to adequately and consistently measure political and ideological attitudes. Focusing on Germany, which is a particularly interesting case since it witnessed the establishment of the by far most well-organized and sustained ‘anti-Covid’ movement in Europe, this quantitative study explores the impact of political ideology and partisanship on the degree of vaccine hesitancy based on four surveys (February—October 2021) among more than 30,000 individuals. We demonstrate that party affiliation, political ideology and region of residence all impact vaccine hesitancy. In fact, they turn out to have a greater impact than two factors often analysed with respect to vaccine hesitancy: gender and educational background. Further interaction models show that the effect of political ideology on vaccine hesitancy is moderated by age, gender and region of residency. For instance, while the more rightwing a young individual is, the more hesitant they are towards SARS-CoV-2 vaccination—for older individuals, this is not the case. Our findings are relevant for future investigators measuring vaccine hesitancy and policy makers contemplating the differential impact of complex public health interventions: as the impact of political and ideological attitudes on vaccine hesitancy are not adequately captured by established vaccine hesitancy measurement instruments, we recommend its modification to include a clear and harmonised definition of the political-ideological dimension of vaccine hesitancy together with pre-validated measurement items that improve future studies. In addition, we reason that vaccine hesitancy, while being an outcome of complex socio-political factors, is in itself an indicator for societal cohesion and anomie, the degree of which is associated with trust in (health) policy makers, (public) health authorities, health service providers, etc. Therefore, we further recommend that vaccine hesitancy questions should be integrated in pertinent national surveys.  相似文献   

10.
Mycological investigation of the Japanese scallop Mizuhopecten yessoensis (Jay) (Bivalvia) from different areas of the Peter the Great Bay (Sea of Japan) was conducted. Isolates from internal organs of M. yessoensis scallop comprise 72 species of filamentous fungi from 30 genera of ascomycetes, anamorphic fungi, and zygomycetes. Species richness of filamentous fungi—fungi of the genera Aspergillus, Penicillium, Cladosporium, and Chaetomium—in the internal organs of bivalve mollusks increases in polluted coastal waters.  相似文献   

11.
Anxieties over the particular ontology and materiality of the film image—rather than moral concerns over the co-mingling of bodies in the built and social space of the cinema—have been addressed by two formative figures in the philosophy of Pakistan as a political and religious idea: Muhammad Iqbal and Syed Abul A'la Maududi. Their arguments provide two divergent examples of the ways in which the permissibility of film in Pakistan has been expressed. This essay is driven by such instances in which the epistemology—and in some cases permissibility—of technological objects is negotiated via their very ontology.  相似文献   

12.
An expansive movement comprised of UN Millennium Development Goals, international banks, and hundreds of programs worldwide promotes access to the arts as a creative means of social change. Often grounded in cognitive science and inspired by the model of youth orchestras in Venezuela known as El Sistema, this movement contends that arts training—which can foster empathy, collaboration, academic achievement, and self-esteem—helps alleviate poverty and combat inequality. In contrast to the majority of the literature on public arts programs—impact studies that often assume arts engagement creates social change through universal mechanisms—this study examines the influence of political economy on the implementation of public arts programs. Through a comparative study of youth orchestras with social inclusion goals in Venezuela (1974–2015) and Chile (1964–2015), the scope and intensity of government control, social welfare policy, and competition for public funds are found to shape public arts programs' social goals, daily operations, definitions of success, and impact study procedures. Therefore, scholars, practitioners, and policy makers must reexamine their understanding of arts programs as a development model. Future global efforts to combat inequality should avoid over-standardization. This article offers a new Arts for Social Change Context Framework that places input variables at the center of analysis, with policy implications.  相似文献   

13.
For much of the twentieth century, Venezuela was regarded as one of the developing nations destined to take its place among the affluent societies of the world. The spectacular infrastructure projects sponsored by the Venezuelan government and funded with revenue from the petroleum industry were taken as evidence of progress and the impending arrival of modernity. Showcasing the technical prowess of the Venezuelan state, these projects captured the national imagination and won consent for elites by calling forth aspirations for total societal transformation. In this article, I explore the re-construction of hegemonic consent as part of one such project—a hydroelectric dam in the state of Barinas—and the survival of a vision of progress through the built environment, even after the social-economic crisis of the late twentieth century. Drawing on fieldwork in areas near the formerly incomplete project site, I account for what, at first glance, seem to be drastic shifts in local political allegiances and incongruous support for the military dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez (1948-1958) and the Bolivarian Government of Hugo Chávez. Suggesting that a high modernist vision of development is a pivot for hegemonic consent, I argue that the completion of this dam after a long hiatus has won the support of a caste of state workers and that the backing of these workers is crucial to the preservation of organized political power.  相似文献   

14.
Albersheim, Peter, and Ursula Killias. (Harvard U., Cambridge, Mass.) Histochemical localization at the electron microsco pe level. Amer. Jour. Bot. 50(7): 732–745. Illus. 1963.—This paper discusses the use of chemical reactions for specifically locating cellular constituents with the electron microscope. Presented in detail are results obtained by using alkaline hydroxylamine and ferric chloride as an electron stain for pectin. This treatment also results in the staining of certain cytoplasmic and nucleolar particles of unknown nature. Also described is the use of bismuth as an electron stain for nucleic acids. A series of micrographs is presented depicting bismuth stained onion root tip cells in various stages of mitosis.  相似文献   

15.
This article focuses on the 2011 March of Return in Lebanon and explores the epistemic gap between image and event, examining how nationalist iconography of the Israel–Palestine conflict informs and distorts popular understanding of the political concerns of refugees. News outlets and social media distilled the march’s political symbolism into one of determination and resolve, with refugee claims directed exclusively at Israel. Camp discussions meanwhile revealed fractured and equivocal motives, including sharp if variously veiled critiques of the Palestinian factions, the Shia political party Hezbollah, and the Lebanese State. Local debates about representation—about the production, dissemination, and interpretation of political images—are significant in their skepticism about the democratizing effects of social media, and in their suggestiveness about emergent forms of political life and aspiration for which no visual grammar yet exists.  相似文献   

16.
A new methodology to quantify minerals’ criticalities is proposed—the criticality systems of minerals. In this methodology, four types of agents—mineral suppliers, consumers, regulators of the market, and others, such as the communities near mining operations—interact with each other through three types of indicators: constraints, such as the political stability in the mining regions, the mineral's substitutability and economic importance; agents’ interactions, such as buyer–seller bargaining; and interactive variables, such as the demand, supply, and price. When the criticality systems of two mineral groups are constructed, analyses that compare the indicators of these criticality systems can determine which group is more critical than the other. This methodology allows evaluation of criticality in a dynamic and systemic manner.  相似文献   

17.
The mass media is a major source of health information for the public, and as such the quality and independence of health news reporting is an important concern. Concerns have been expressed that journalists reporting on health are increasingly dependent on their sources—including representatives of industries responsible for manufacturing health-related products—for story ideas and content. Many critics perceive an imbalance of power between journalists and industry sources, with industry being in a position of relative power, however the empirical evidence to support this view is limited. The analysis presented here—which is part of a larger study of industry-journalist relationships—draws on in-depth, semi-structured interviews with representatives of health-related industries in Australia to inductively examine their perceptions of power relations between industry and journalists. Participants painted a picture in which journalists, rather than themselves, were in a position to control the nature, extent, and outcome of their interactions with industry sources. Our results resonate with the concept of “mediatisation” as it has been applied in the domain of political reporting. It appears that, from the perspective of industry representatives, the imposition of media logic on health-related industries may inappropriately influence the information that the public receives about health-related products.  相似文献   

18.
Anthropology and cultural studies share a concern with ethnographic method. Cultural studies increasingly uses ethnography in its analyses of popular culture as it seeks to balance earlier preoccupations with text. Where cultural studies diverges from anthropology is in its encompassment within an oppositional paradigm which embeds a political agenda deep in its ethnographic work. This paper uses the area of media to explore the ways in which ethnography has been adopted and developed in cultural studies. Ethnographic focus has shifted interest in media from the text to the reception of media products. At the same time, the oppositional legacy from cultural studies' earliest days has tended to produce rather romanticised findings of a subaltern audience using media products to resist dominant cultural and political structures. It is suggested that anthropology should pay attention to cultural studies use of ethnographic method, first taking seriously the ground of popular culture as a challenge for anthropologists' more extended use of ethnography. But second, we should pay attention to the problem silences in cultural studies' ethnographies—silences like racism in audiences—since these may well have at least part of their basis in the method itself.  相似文献   

19.
At the core of his political rhetoric, Donald Trump speaks about work: the experience of laboring, the agonies of the labor market, and the future of employment. This article considers how the anthropology of work can contribute to an analysis of the political moment. Many commentators, including Trump himself, have interpreted a vote for Trump as an act of labor nostalgia, a gesture of yearning for an industrial past. Such commentary describes Trump voters by describing the jobs that many of them once did—manufacturing jobs. But what if, instead, we considered the jobs that many Trump voters now do, that is, service jobs? What if Trump’s discourse, with its themes of domination and submission, offers an incisive response to the intimacies of power as lived by restaurant workers and customer service representatives? Could the election come into focus as an uprising in the service sector? This article takes two steps. First, it engages with literature from sociology and economics in order to point towards a crucial transformation in the US workplace since the 2008 financial crisis: the ascendancy of monopolistic corporations that defy the neoliberal model. Second, the article explores new developments in the service sector by assessing the work experience of Uber drivers. Trump’s rhetoric can be interpreted as a response to the 2008 crisis and the novel modes of service work that the crisis made possible—including Uber. As it faces the political consequences of today’s toil, the anthropology of work gains a new research agenda.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

The initiating point of this paper was an article in AEPR by Peter J. Smith in March/April 2003. At the end of the article, Peter J. Smith provides a short answer.  相似文献   

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