Showing off: Tests of an hypothesis about men's foraging goals

It is widely assumed that among hunter-gatherers, men work to provision their families. However, men may have more to gain by giving food to a wide range of companions who treat them favorably in return. If so, and if some resources better serve this end, men's foraging behavior should vary accordingly. Aspects of this hypothesis are tested on observations of food acquisition and sharing among Ache foragers of Eastern Paraguay. Previous analysis showed that different Ache food types were differently shared. Resources shared most widely were game animals. Further analysis and additional data presented here suggest a causal association between the wide sharing of game and the fact that men hunt and women do not. Data show that men preferentially target resources in both hunting and gathering which are more widely shared, resources more likely to be consumed outside their own nuclear families. These results have implications for 1) the identification of male reproductive trade-offs in human societies, 2) the view that families are units of common interest integrated by the sexual division of labor, 3) current reconstructions of the evolution of foraging and food sharing among early hominids, and 4) assessments of the role of risk and reciprocity in hunter-gatherer foraging strategies.     

“It's a Wonderful Life”: signaling generosity among the Ache of Paraguay

Intensive food sharing among foragers and horticulturists is commonly explained as a means of reducing the risk of daily shortfalls, ensuring adequate daily consumption for all group members who actively pool resources. Consistently high food producers who give more than they receive, however, gain the least risk-reduction benefit from this daily pooling because they are the least likely to go without food on any given day. Why then do some high producers consistently share food, and why do some average producers share proportionally more food than others? We propose that although these individuals may not receive the same amounts they give (i.e., strict Tit-for-Tat), one explanation for their generosity is that they receive additional food during hard times. These include brief episodes of sickness, disease, injury, or accidents—fairly common events in traditional societies that can render individuals incapable of producing food, thereby having long-term effects on morbidity and fecundity and ultimately on lifetime reproductive success. Data collected among the Ache, a group of South American forager-horticulturists, indicate that those who shared and produced more than average (signaling cooperative intent and/or ability to produce) were rewarded with more food from more people when injured or sick than those who shared and produced below average. These results, framed within the context of tradeoffs between short-term and long-term fitness, may provide insight into motivations behind costly expenditures for establishing and reinforcing status and reputation.     

Food transfer between mother and infant chimpanzees of the Mahale Mountains National Park,Tanzania

We studied food transfer between chimpanzee mothers and infants in the Mahale Mountains National Park, Tanzania. The rate of infant solicitation for food dramatically increased in the second year of life, then gradually decreased and, in the seventh year, virtually disappeared. The pattern of the ontogeny of food sharing precisely followed that of solicitation because mothers shared food only when requested to do so by their infants. The success rate of solicitation, however, did not display extreme changes across ages. Food that was difficult to process was shared more frequently because it was more likely to be demanded by infants. We defined food retrieval as an infant’s recovery of leftovers discarded by its mother. Food types retrieved were often those that are difficult to process and were also likely to be shared by mothers. However, infants tended to solicit small, difficult food types for sharing while they often retrieved the remains of large, difficult food types. The function of food sharing and food retrieval lies in an infant’s learning food types that it cannot easily obtain or process by itself. The level of competition for food between mothers and infants remained low throughout infancy. We noted no particular characteristic about foods from which infants were displaced by mothers. As infants grew older, they increased the distance between themselves and mothers that became more aggressive.     

Household and Kin Provisioning by Hadza Men

We use data collected among Hadza hunter-gatherers between 2005 and 2009 to examine hypotheses about the causes and consequences of men’s foraging and food sharing. We find that Hadza men foraged for a range of food types, including fruit, honey, small animals, and large game. Large game were shared not like common goods, but in ways that significantly advantaged producers’ households. Food sharing and consumption data show that men channeled the foods they produced to their wives, children, and their consanguineal and affinal kin living in other households. On average, single men brought food to camp on 28% of days, married men without children at home on 31% of days, and married men with children at home on 42% of days. Married men brought fruit, the least widely shared resource, to camp significantly more often than single men. A model of the relationship between hunting success and household food consumption indicates that the best hunters provided 3–4 times the amount of food to their families than median or poor hunters. These new data fill important gaps in our knowledge of the subsistence economy of the Hadza and uphold predictions derived from the household and kin provisioning hypotheses. Key evidence and assumptions backing prior claims that Hadza hunting is largely a form of status competition were not replicated in our study. In light of this, family provisioning is a more viable explanation for why good hunters are preferred as husbands and have higher fertility than others.     

Effect of predation risk on selectivity in heteromyid rodents

Variations in predation risk affect the costs of foraging and may therefore warrant different foraging decisions. One class of models ("higher requisite profit") predicts that foragers should become more selective when predation risk increases, as low-profitability items that do not cover the increased costs are dropped from the diet. An alternative class of models ("reduced finickiness") predicts that foragers should become less selective when predation risk increases, because selectivity requires more extensive assessment and/or search behaviour, prolonging exposure to risk. We assessed the selectivity of foraging heteromyid rodents (Merriam's kangaroo rats, Dipodomys merriami, and pocket mice, Chaetodipus spp.) by comparing differences in "giving up densities" (GUD: the quantity of cryptic food left in a patch by animals for whom the diminishing marginal gains from foraging have dropped below the threshold for continued search) for foods of different value as a measure of selectivity in patches varying in predation risk. Data collected over two field seasons revealed that heteromyids were more selective when predation risk was highest; away from the protective cover of shrubs during the full moon. These findings support the predictions of higher requisite profit models.     

Hazardous duty pay and the foraging cost of predation

We review the concepts and research associated with measuring fear and its consequences for foraging. When foraging, animals should and do demand hazardous duty pay. They assess a foraging cost of predation to compensate for the risk of predation or the risk of catastrophic injury. Similarly, in weighing foraging options, animals tradeoff food and safety. The foraging cost of predation can be modelled, and it can be quantitatively and qualitatively measured using risk titrations. Giving‐up densities (GUDs) in depletable food patches and the distribution of foragers across safe and risky feeding opportunities are two frequent experimental tools for titrating food and safety. A growing body of literature shows that: (i) the cost of predation can be big and comprise the forager's largest foraging cost, (ii) seemingly small changes in habitat or microhabitat characteristics can lead to large changes in the cost of predation, and (iii) a forager's cost of predation rises with risk of mortality, the forager's energy state and a decrease in its marginal value of energy. In titrating for the cost of predation, researchers have investigated spatial and temporal variation in risk, scale‐dependent variation in risk, and the role of predation risk in a forager's ecology. A risk titration from a feeding animal often provides a more accurate behavioural indicator of predation risk than direct observations of predator‐inflicted mortality. Titrating for fear responses in foragers has some well‐established applications and holds promise for novel methodologies, concepts and applications. Future directions for expanding conceptual and empirical tools include: what are the consequences of foraging costs arising from interference behaviours and other sources of catastrophic loss? Are there alternative routes by which organisms can respond to tradeoffs of food and safety? What does an animal's landscape of fear look like as a spatially explicit map, and how do various environmental factors affect it? Behavioural titrations will help to illuminate these issues and more.     

Juvenile foraging among the Hadza: Implications for human life history

The longstanding view that children among foraging populations are largely dependent on the food collection efforts of others is an assumed and implicit characteristic of several models of human life history and family formation. The evolution of protracted juvenility in humans is often explained using the “embodied capital model” which argues that prolonged investment in growth and delayed reproduction evolved because a long training period is required to learn difficult foraging tasks and become a self-sufficient forager. The model suggests that if juvenile investment in growth and learning yields an increase in adult productivity, then selection will favor delayed maturity, long life span, and increased brain size. Here, we test the embodied capital model with naturalistic foraging and consumption data among juvenile Hadza hunter–gatherers of Tanzania to determine the extent to which children self-provision. We found that sex had a significant effect on both the type and the amount of food brought back to camp and consumed while out foraging; compared to their male counterparts, young female foragers consumed less while foraging and returned to camp with more food. A wide variation in caloric returns was seen across all foragers in the sample. When analyzing only food brought back to camp, age was not a significant predictor. When combining the amount of food back to camp and the amount consumed while out foraging, however, older children consistently collected more food. The data presented here suggest that although older children do appear to have greater overall foraging success, even very young children are capable of collecting a considerable amount of food. Our data, although lending support to the embodied capital model, suggest that although foraging efficiency increases with age, it remains difficult to determine if this efficiency is a byproduct of learning, strength, or perhaps individual motivation. In addition, our results indicate that juvenile self-provisioning may have played a key role in the evolution of food sharing and cooperation during hominin evolution.     

Patterns of food sharing among mother and infant chimpanzees at Gombe National Park, Tanzania

The patterns of food sharing among mother and infant chimpanzees at the Gombe National Park, Tanzania, are primarily influenced by the infants' ability to procure and process foods independently. Foods infants could find and process on their own were not shared by mothers as frequently as foods infants could not obtain independently. Temporal changes were observed in the patterns of interactions as infants matured. It is suggested that food sharing may be considered a behavioral strategy which facilitates the infant's transition from dependent suckling to independent foraging.     

The dining etiquette of desert baboons: the roles of social bonds, kinship, and dominance in co-feeding networks

To better understand how individual relationships influence patterns of social foraging in primate groups, we explored networks of co-feeding in wild desert baboons (Papio ursinus). To minimize the risk of aggression and injury associated with contest competition, we expected that individual group members would choose to co-feed with those group-mates that are most likely to show tolerance and a willingness to share food patches. We tested two alternative hypotheses about who those group-mates might be: the "social bonds hypothesis" predicts that preferred foraging partners will be those with whom individuals share strong social bonds, indexed by grooming, whereas the "kinship hypothesis" predicts that preferred foraging partners will be relatives. We also investigated and controlled for the effects of dominance rank, given that competitive ability is known to shape foraging patterns. Social network analyses of over 5,000 foraging events for 14 adults in a single troop revealed that baboon co-feeding was significantly correlated with grooming relationships but not genetic relatedness, and this finding was also true of the female-only co-feeding network. Dominant individuals were also found to be central to the co-feeding network, frequently sharing food patches with multiple group-mates. This polyadic analysis of foraging associations between individuals underlines the importance of dominance and affiliation to patterns of primate social foraging.     

Social foraging in vampire bats is predicted by long-term cooperative relationships

Stable social bonds in group-living animals can provide greater access to food. A striking example is that female vampire bats often regurgitate blood to socially bonded kin and nonkin that failed in their nightly hunt. Food-sharing relationships form via preferred associations and social grooming within roosts. However, it remains unclear whether these cooperative relationships extend beyond the roost. To evaluate if long-term cooperative relationships in vampire bats play a role in foraging, we tested if foraging encounters measured by proximity sensors could be explained by wild roosting proximity, kinship, or rates of co-feeding, social grooming, and food sharing during 21 months in captivity. We assessed evidence for 6 hypothetical scenarios of social foraging, ranging from individual to collective hunting. We found that closely bonded female vampire bats departed their roost separately, but often reunited far outside the roost. Repeating foraging encounters were predicted by within-roost association and histories of cooperation in captivity, even when accounting for kinship. Foraging bats demonstrated both affiliative and competitive interactions with different social calls linked to each interaction type. We suggest that social foraging could have implications for social evolution if “local” within-roost cooperation and “global” outside-roost competition enhances fitness interdependence between frequent roostmates.

A combination of captive experiments and proximity sensing in the wild show that social bonds in vampire bats that are typically defined by cooperative interactions within the roost also extend beyond the roost and may provide benefits during foraging.     

Maintaining social cohesion is a more important determinant of patch residence time than maximizing food intake rate in a group-living primate,Japanese macaque (Macaca fuscata)

Animals have been assumed to employ an optimal foraging strategy (e.g., rate-maximizing strategy). In patchy food environments, intake rate within patches is positively correlated with patch quality, and declines as patches are depleted through consumption. This causes patch-leaving and determines patch residence time. In group-foraging situations, patch residence times are also affected by patch sharing. Optimal patch models for groups predict that patch residence times decrease as the number of co-feeding animals increases because of accelerated patch depletion. However, group members often depart patches without patch depletion, and their patch residence time deviates from patch models. It has been pointed out that patch residence time is also influenced by maintaining social proximity with others among group-living animals. In this study, the effects of maintaining social cohesion and that of rate-maximizing strategy on patch residence time were examined in Japanese macaques (Macaca fuscata). I hypothesized that foragers give up patches to remain in the proximity of their troop members. On the other hand, foragers may stay for a relatively long period when they do not have to abandon patches to follow the troop. In this study, intake rate and foraging effort (i.e., movement) did not change during patch residency. Macaques maintained their intake rate with only a little foraging effort. Therefore, the patches were assumed to be undepleted during patch residency. Further, patch residence time was affected by patch-leaving to maintain social proximity, but not by the intake rate. Macaques tended to stay in patches for short periods when they needed to give up patches for social proximity, and remained for long periods when they did not need to leave to keep social proximity. Patch-leaving and patch residence time that prioritize the maintenance of social cohesion may be a behavioral pattern in group-living primates.     

How foraging allometries and resource dynamics could explain Bergmann's rule and the body‐size diet relationship in mammals

Two dramatic large scale patterns characterize body size in mammalian herbivores. One is Bergmann's rule that notes that mammals tend to increase in body size at higher latitudes. The other is the inverse relationship between herbivore body size and diet quality. Here, we present a model that may explain both. We start by noting that searching for and handling resources are fundamental activities for feeding mammals. We note that if with body size, encounter probability increases less favorably and handling time more favorably than metabolic costs, then body size represents a tradeoff between search efficiency (favors smaller body size) and handling efficiency (favors larger). If so, then optimal body size increases with both temperature and the conspicuousness of the food, but decreases with food quality. For this to happen there must be food limitation where the herbivores influence food standing crop. Lower energetic foraging costs (lower latitude, lower seasonality and/or higher temperatures) or higher food quality result in lower standing crops of food. A lower standing crop of food favors searching efficiency and, hence, smaller body sizes. Factors that increase the standing crop of food favor handling efficiency and larger body sizes. Simply maximizing net profit from foraging or foraging efficiency that are often assumed to help explain Bergmann's rule do not predict either Bergmann's rule nor the inverse relationship between food quality and body size. With the inclusion of consumer–resource dynamics, fitness maximization predicts both. Testing the model's predictions invites empirical research into the allometries of foraging parameters relating to search and handling.     

An exploration of the relationship between recruitment communication and foraging in stingless bees

Social information is widely used in the animal kingdom and can be highly adaptive. In social insects, foragers can use social information to find food, avoid danger, or choose a new nest site. Copying others allows individuals to obtain information without having to sample the environment. When foragers communicate information they will often only advertise high-quality food sources, thereby filtering out less adaptive information. Stingless bees, a large pantropical group of highly eusocial bees, face intense inter- and intra-specific competition for limited resources, yet display disparate foraging strategies. Within the same environment there are species that communicate the location of food resources to nest-mates and species that do not. Our current understanding of why some species communicate foraging sites while others do not is limited. Studying freely foraging colonies of several co-existing stingless bee species in Brazil, we investigated if recruitment to specific food locations is linked to 1) the sugar content of forage, 2) the duration of foraging trips, and 3) the variation in activity of a colony from 1 day to another and the variation in activity in a species over a day. We found that, contrary to our expectations, species with recruitment communication did not return with higher quality forage than species that do not recruit nestmates. Furthermore, foragers from recruiting species did not have shorter foraging trip durations than those from weakly recruiting species. Given the intense inter- and intraspecific competition for resources in these environments, it may be that recruiting species favor food resources that can be monopolized by the colony rather than food sources that offer high-quality rewards.     

To dare or not to dare? Risk management by owls in a predator–prey foraging game

In a foraging game, predators must catch elusive prey while avoiding injury. Predators manage their hunting success with behavioral tools such as habitat selection, time allocation, and perhaps daring—the willingness to risk injury to increase hunting success. A predator’s level of daring should be state dependent: the hungrier it is, the more it should be willing to risk injury to better capture prey. We ask, in a foraging game, will a hungry predator be more willing to risk injury while hunting? We performed an experiment in an outdoor vivarium in which barn owls (Tyto alba) were allowed to hunt Allenby’s gerbils (Gerbillus andersoni allenbyi) from a choice of safe and risky patches. Owls were either well fed or hungry, representing the high and low state, respectively. We quantified the owls’ patch use behavior. We predicted that hungry owls would be more daring and allocate more time to the risky patches. Owls preferred to hunt in the safe patches. This indicates that owls manage risk of injury by avoiding the risky patches. Hungry owls doubled their attacks on gerbils, but directed the added effort mostly toward the safe patch and the safer, open areas in the risky patch. Thus, owls dared by performing a risky action—the attack maneuver—more times, but only in the safest places—the open areas. We conclude that daring can be used to manage risk of injury and owls implement it strategically, in ways we did not foresee, to minimize risk of injury while maximizing hunting success.     

Vertebrate predation in Cebus capucinus: meat eating in a neotropical monkey

A long-term study of two groups of white-faced capuchins (Cebus capucinus) in Santa Rosa National Park in Costa Rica provides evidence of unusually high levels of vertebrate predation compared to those reported in other field studies of Cebus. The hunting techniques for different prey types are described, and several questions concerning vertebrate predation in primates are addressed. Why is there variation between individuals and between groups in the rate of predation? Why do males hunt more than females? Previous hypotheses to explain hunting in Old World primates are applied to this Neotropical example. Finally, I argue that successful vertebrate predation can readily arise in species like Cebus, which are characterized by opportunistic foraging patterns, manipulative and cognitive skills and well-developed techniques for locating and subduing invertebrate prey.     

Adaptive foraging by predators as a cause of predator-prey cycles

Summary When foraging has costs, it is generally adaptive for foragers to adjust their foraging effort in response to changes in the population density of their food. If effort decreases in response to increased food density, this can result in a type-2 functional response; intake rate increases in a negatively accelerated manner as prey density increases. Unlike other mechanisms for type-2 responses, adaptive foraging usually involves a timelag, because foraging behaviours do not often change instantaneously with changes in food density or risks. This paper investigates predator-prey models in which there are explicit dynamics for the rate of adaptive change. Models appropriate to both behavioural and evolutionary change are considered. Both types of change can produce cycles under similar circumstances, but under some evolutionary models there is not sufficient genetic variability for evolutionary change to produce cycles. If there is sufficient variability, the remaining conditions required for cycles are surprisingly insensitive to the nature of the adaptive process. A predator population that approaches the optimum foraging strategy very slowly usually produces cycles under similar conditions as does a very rapidly adapting population.     

食物大小对棕果蝠和犬蝠取食行为的影响

按照最优化觅食理论,动物在取食时需在能量获取与捕食风险之间权衡。本文通过室内行为实验,研究两种旧大陆果蝠棕果蝠和犬蝠对食物大小的选择规律与取食策略。按体积由小到大将苹果分为Ⅰ型、Ⅱ型、Ⅲ型、Ⅳ型4 种类型的食物块,通过红外相机观察果蝠对不同大小食块的取食情况,并就其对各类型食块的取食率、取食次数和停留时间进行统计分析。结果表明:这两种果蝠对Ⅱ型和Ⅲ型食块的取食率显著高于Ⅰ型和Ⅳ型;对Ⅰ型食块的取食次数显著高于Ⅱ型和Ⅳ型;对Ⅳ型食块的停留时间显著高于Ⅰ型和Ⅱ型。它们在摄取体积较小的食块时,以取走后进食为主要取食方式,但摄取大体积食块时则主要在原地进食。取食过程中,果蝠优先选择大小适于搬运的食块,是捕食风险与能量收益权衡的结果。     

Scavenging by chimpanzees at Ngogo and the relevance of chimpanzee scavenging to early hominin behavioral ecology

Chimpanzees regularly hunt a variety of prey species. However, they rarely scavenge, which distinguishes chimpanzee carnivory from that of some modern hunter-gatherers and, presumably, at least some Plio-Pleistocene hominins. I use observations made over an 11-year period to document all known opportunities for scavenging encountered by chimpanzees at Ngogo, Kibale National Park, Uganda, and describe all cases of scavenging. I also review data on scavenging from other chimpanzee research sites. Chimpanzees at Ngogo encountered scavenging opportunities only about once per 100 days and ate meat from scavenged carcasses only four times. Scavenging opportunities are also rare at other sites, even where leopards are present (Mahale, Ta?, Gombe), and scavenging of leopard kills is known only from Mahale. Feeding on prey that chimpanzees had hunted but then abandoned is the most common form of scavenging reported across study sites. For example, several individuals at Ngogo ate meat from a partially consumed red colobus carcass abandoned after a hunt the previous day. Such behavior probably was not common among Oldowan hominins. Ngogo data and those from other sites also show that chimpanzees sometimes eat meat from carcasses of prey that they did not see killed and that were not killed by chimpanzees, and that scavenging allows access to carcasses larger than those of any prey items. However, chimpanzees ignore relatively many opportunities to obtain meat from such carcasses. Scavenging may be rare because fresh carcasses are rare, because the risk of bacterial infections and zoonoses is high, and because chimpanzees may not recognize certain species as potential prey or certain size classes of prey species as food sources. Its minimal nutritional importance, along with the absence of technology to facilitate confrontational scavenging and rapid carcass processing, apparently distinguishes chimpanzee foraging strategies from those of at least some Oldowan hominins.     

Female Bechstein's Bats Share Foraging Sites with Maternal Kin but do not Forage Together with them – Results from a Long‐Term Study

In many social animals, group members exchange information about where to feed. Thereby, they may gain direct benefits, for example, if social hunting enhances individual foraging success. Alternatively, individuals may receive indirect fitness benefits by preferentially sharing information about suitable feeding sites with kin. Indeed, in some species, a positive correlation between the degree of relatedness among individuals and the overlap among their foraging areas was found. However, sharing foraging sites with kin can also have costs if it increases food competition, which is not compensated by direct benefits. The goal of this study was to investigate whether sharing of individual foraging areas in female Bechstein's bats is best explained by kin selection or by direct benefits through social foraging. To assess their individual foraging behaviour, we analysed radio‐tracking data of 22 members of one maternity colony, including nine mother–daughter pairs, seven pairs of less closely related individuals and six pairs of unrelated bats. We examined the bats' fidelity to specific foraging areas during several years and quantified the influence of kinship on the overlap among individual foraging areas. By measuring how close to each other the bats foraged, we assessed whether individuals with overlapping areas are likely to forage together. Our study confirms previous findings that Bechstein's bats show high fidelity to foraging areas across years. Moreover, we found that relatives share foraging areas significantly more often compared with unrelated colony members. Finally, our data reveal for the first time that most colony members that share foraging areas are unlikely to forage together. This suggests that female Bechstein's bats gain no direct benefits from sharing foraging areas with members of the same maternal lineage. Our findings also have implications for conservation as habitat loss within a colony's home range might expose entire matrilines to high risks.     

Tolerance of understory plants subject to herbivory by roe deer

Classical foraging theory states that animals feeding in a patchy environment can maximise their long term prey capture rates by quitting food patches when they have depleted prey to a certain threshold level. Theory suggests that social foragers may be better able to do this if all individuals in a group have access to the prey capture information of all other group members. This will allow all foragers to make a more accurate estimation of the patch quality over time and hence enable them to quit patches closer to the optimal prey threshold level. We develop a model to examine the foraging efficiency of three strategies that could be used by a cohesive foraging group to initiate quitting a patch, where foragers do not use such information, and compare these with a fourth strategy in which foragers use public information of all prey capture events made by the group. We carried out simulations in six different prey environments, in which we varied the mean number of prey per patch and the variance of prey number between patches. Groups sharing public information were able to consistently quit patches close to the optimal prey threshold level, and obtained constant prey capture rates, in groups of all sizes. In contrast all groups not sharing public information quit patches progressively earlier than the optimal prey threshold value, and experienced decreasing prey capture rates, as group size increased. This is more apparent as the variance in prey number between patches increases. Thus in a patchy environment, where uncertainty is high, although public information use does not increase the foraging efficiency of groups over that of a lone forager, it certainly offers benefits over groups which do not, and particularly where group size is large.