Cultural learning and the Clovis colonization of North America

The timing of the earliest colonization of North America is debatable, but what is not at issue is the point of origin of the early colonists: Humans entered the continent from Beringia and then made their way south along or near the Pacific Coast and/or through a corridor that ran between the Cordilleran and Laurentide ice sheets in western North America. At some point, they abandoned their Arctic‐based tool complex for one more adapted to an entirely different environment. That new techno‐complex is termed “Clovis”; its dispersal allows us to examine, at a fine scale, how colonization processes played out across a vast continent that at the time had, at best, a very small resident population. Clovis has figured prominently in American archeology since the first Clovis points were identified in eastern New Mexico in the 1930s. However, the successful marriage of learning models grounded in evolutionary theory and modern analytical methods that began roughly a decade ago has begun to pay significant dividends in terms of what we know about the rapid spread of human groups across the last sizable landmass to witness human occupation.     

Paleobiology of the first Americans

The majority of scholars studying the human colonization of the New World agree that the first Americans, traditionally identifed as Paleoindians, entered near the end of the Pleistocene via the Bering land bridge from northeast Asia. But this is where agreement ends. Questions about the number and timing of migrations, the physical appearance of the colonists, and the manner in which they lived have been examined since the turn of the century^1–7 and still engender lively debate.^8–16 Curiously lacking from the growing body of data on the peopling of the Americas is evidence from the physical remains of the first Americans. We summarize research on the earliest human remains from North America and discuss how these remains shed new light on these unanswered questions.     

Colonization of the Americas: Disease Ecology and the Paleoindian Lifestyle

The disease barrier hypothesis is one long-standing explanation of the temporal discrepancies between the initial colonization of North and South America. The model postulates an epidemiological barrier that prohibited or slowed the initial migration into South America during the Late Pleistocene. Using data from ethnographically documented hunter–gatherers, the theoretical foundations of the hypothesis are explored. In addition, likely demographic effects to colonizing populations are postulated and compared to disease-response mechanisms in foraging societies. Based on identified disease conditions deemed necessary to maintain a prohibitive barrier, it is suggested that disease transmission rates in the initial colonizing populations of the New World were likely extremely limited and insufficient to support the disease barrier concept.     

Pleistocene peopling of the Americas

Our species colonized North and South America last of all the major land masses, thereby ending the spread that began a million years earlier when ancestral members of the genus Homo first ventured out of Africa. But who were the first Americans? When did they arrive? Did they come in one migration or many? How quickly and by what adaptive strategies did they move across the environmentally diverse and trackless New World? How do they relate to contemporary native Americans? We have plenty of answers to these questions. Unfortunately, we can't agree which ones are right. This much is certain: the first Americans were Homo sapiens who came from northeast Asia via the Bering Straits (Fig. 1). They may have walked from Siberia to Alaska across Beringia, the land bridge formed when vast Pleistocene glaciers froze 5% of the world's water,¹ lowering global sea levels and exposing the shallow continental shelf between Asia and America. These hunter-gatherers were present throughout the Americas by 11,500 years ago, in time to witness the climatic and ecological changes, including the extinction of thirty-five genera of megafauna, that signalled the end of the Pleistocene. Beyond those bare facts there is controversy. Here, then, is a brief summary of the state of the argument over the peopling of the Americas.     

Colonization models and initial genetic diversity in the Americas

The mode and tempo of colonization of the Americas established the initial pattern of continental genetic diversity. Despite a long history of study, the process of settlement remains controversial in terms of date, rate, and pattern. While there is agreement that Asia was the source population, several different models have been proposed for the colonization process. A classic model postulates a rapid spread of population ("blitzkrieg") from a small band of hunters entering through the corridor between the continental ice sheets circa 11,000 years B.P. Colonization occurred as a wave of expansion across the land masses of North and South America. An alternative model envisions the original colonists initially limiting settlement to the coastline, using boats, and entering the Americas at an earlier date, circa 13,500 B.P. Range expansion along this linear habitat from North to South America could be rapid without requiring population saturation of entire continental regions. These models have markedly different implications for genetic variation among Native Americans. The blitzkrieg colonization process would have generated multiple founder effects leading to extreme loss of genetic variation. Computer simulation of this model shows nearly complete fixation in 30 generations. Simulation of the coastal model, on the other hand, requires less extreme demographic assumptions and maintains substantial genetic variability after 100 generations. Although with the coastal model continental interiors are occupied less rapidly than with the blitzkrieg model, the coastal model allows earlier entry and rapid expansion to the southern limits of the hemisphere.     

Pleistocene migration routes into the Americas: Human biological adaptations and environmental constraints

Theories about the routes and timing of human entry into the Americas during the Late Pleistocene usually involve models of lowered sea levels and ice‐free land in Beringia, supported by locations and dates of archeological sites in Northeastern Asia and Northwestern America. Recently, paleoecological reconstructions made possible by advances in geochronology and climatology have received attention. Now morphological adaptations and environmental constraints that affect human activities and physiology need to be considered. Physical accessibility to an area, important as it is, does not alone determine a migration route. In considering any route, anthropologists need to ask: What would it have been like to live in this environment? Did it provide an amenable climate that supported human health and comfort? Between 16,000 and 11,000 cal BP, did this route provide enough food resources and enough hours of sunlight for people with an Upper Paleolithic technology to make a living? We discuss these questions and show ways in which the coastal‐entry model is superior to the interior route through Beringia and an ice‐free corridor.     

Phylogeographic patterns of trans-Amazonian vicariants and Amazonian biogeography: the Neotropical rattlesnake (Crotalus durissus complex) as an example

Aim To investigate the phylogeography and execute a historical‐demographic analysis of the Neotropical rattlesnake, Crotalus durissus, thereby testing the hypothesis of a Pleistocene central Amazon corridor of dry forest or savanna that partitioned the Amazonian rain forest into western and eastern portions. Location South America. Methods Using sequences of three mitochondrial genes, we estimated the phylogeography, gene and nucleotide diversity across the South American range of C. durissus. Tree topology tests were used to test alternative biogeographical hypotheses, and tests of population genetic structure and statistical parsimony networks and nested clade phylogeographic analysis (NCPA) were used to infer connectivity and historical population processes on both sides of the Amazon basin. Results Tree topology tests rejected the hypothesis of a coastal dispersal in favour of a central corridor scenario. Gene diversity was similar on both sides of the Amazon basin. Nucleotide diversity indicated that the populations from north of the Amazon basin represented ancestral populations. Analysis of molecular variance (amova ) showed that intra‐population molecular variation was greater than between regions. Historical‐demographic statistics showed significant population expansion south of the Amazon, and little differentiation in the north, indicating moderate past gene flow between north and south of the Amazon. The parsimony network connected clades from the Roraima and Guyana populations with Mato Grosso, suggesting an Amazonian central corridor, and NCPA supported allopatric fragmentation between north and south of the Amazon. Main conclusions The distribution of C. durissus on both sides of the Amazon basin is evidence of changes in the distribution of rain forest vegetation during the Pleistocene. Our results suggest a formerly continuous distribution of this rattlesnake along a central Amazonian corridor during the middle Pleistocene. Allopatric fragmentation inferred from NCPA is consistent with vicariance resulting from a subsequent closure of this habitat corridor. This study emphasizes the potential of trans‐Amazonian open formation species to inform the debate on the past distribution of rain forests in the Amazon Basin.     

Neutral and functionally important genes shed light on phylogeography and the history of high‐altitude colonization in a widespread New World duck

Phylogeographic studies often infer historical demographic processes underlying species distributions based on patterns of neutral genetic variation, but spatial variation in functionally important genes can provide additional insights about biogeographic history allowing for inferences about the potential role of adaptation in geographic range evolution. Integrating data from neutral markers and genes involved in oxygen (O₂)‐transport physiology, we test historical hypotheses about colonization and gene flow across low‐ and high‐altitude regions in the Ruddy Duck (Oxyura jamaicensis), a widely distributed species in the New World. Using multilocus analyses that for the first time include populations from the Colombian Andes, we also examined the hypothesis that Ruddy Duck populations from northern South America are of hybrid origin. We found that neutral and functional genes appear to have moved into the Colombian Andes from both North America and southern South America, and that high‐altitude Colombian populations do not exhibit evidence of adaptation to hypoxia in hemoglobin genes. Therefore, the biogeographic history of Ruddy Ducks is likely more complex than previously inferred. Our new data raise questions about the hypothesis that adaptation via natural selection to high‐altitude conditions through amino acid replacements in the hemoglobin protein allowed Ruddy Ducks to disperse south along the high Andes into southern South America. The existence of shared genetic variation with populations from both North America and southern South America as well as private alleles suggests that the Colombian population of Ruddy Ducks may be of old hybrid origin. This study illustrates the breadth of inferences one can make by combining data from nuclear and functionally important loci in phylogeography, and underscores the importance of complete range‐wide sampling to study species history in complex landscapes.     

Late Cenozoic diversification of the austral genus Lagenophora (Astereae,Asteraceae)

Lagenophora (Astereae, Asteraceae) has 14 species in New Zealand, Australia, Asia, southern South America, Gough Island and Tristan da Cunha. Phylogenetic relationships in Lagenophora were inferred using nuclear and plastid DNA regions. Reconstruction of spatio‐temporal evolution was estimated using parsimony, Bayesian inference and likelihood methods, a Bayesian relaxed molecular clock and ancestral area and habitat reconstructions. Our results support a narrow taxonomic concept of Lagenophora including only a core group of species with one clade diversifying in New Zealand and another in South America. The split between the New Zealand and South American Lagenophora dates from 11.2 Mya [6.1–17.4 95% highest posterior density (HPD)]. The inferred ancestral habitats were openings in beech forest and subalpine tussockland. The biogeographical analyses infer a complex ancestral area for Lagenophora involving New Zealand and southern South America. Thus, the estimated divergence times and biogeographical reconstructions provide circumstantial evidence that Antarctica may have served as a corridor for migration until the expansion of the continental ice during the late Cenozoic. The extant distribution of Lagenophora reflects a complex history that could also have involved direct long‐distance dispersal across southern oceans. © 2014 The Linnean Society of London, Botanical Journal of the Linnean Society, 2015, 177 , 78–95.     

Phylogeny, biogeography, and host-plant association in the subfamily Apaturinae (Insecta: Lepidoptera: Nymphalidae) inferred from eight nuclear and seven mitochondrial genes

The subfamily Apaturinae consists of 20 genera and shows disjunct distributions and unique host-plant associations. Most genera of this subfamily are distributed in Eurasia South-East Asia and Africa, whereas the genera Doxocopa and Asterocampa are distributed mainly in South America and North America, respectively. Although the Apaturinae larvae mainly feed on the Cannabaceae, those of the genus Apatura are associated with Salix and Populus (Salicaceae), which are distantly related to the Cannabaceae. Here, we infer the phylogeny of Apaturinae and reconstruct the history of host shifting and of colonization in the New World. We analyzed 9761 bp of nuclear and mitochondrial DNA sequence data, including the genes encoding EF1a, Wg, ArgK, CAD, GAPDH, IDH, MDH, RpS5, COI, COII, ATPase8, ATPase6, COIII, ND3, and ND5 for 12 apaturine genera. We also inferred the phylogeny with six additional genera using mitochondrial sequence data alone. Within the Apaturinae, two major clades are recovered in all the datasets. These clades separate the New World genera, Doxocopa and Asterocampa, indicating that dispersal to the New World occurred at least twice. According to our divergence time estimates, these genera originated during the Early Oligocene to the Early Miocene, implying that they migrated across the Bering Land Bridge rather than the Atlantic Land Bridge. The temporal estimates also show that host shifting to Salix or Populus in Apatura occurred more than 15 million years after the divergence of their host plants. Our phylogenetic results are inconsistent with the previously accepted apaturine genus groups and indicate that their higher classification should be reconsidered.     

Phylogenomics and historical biogeography of the monocot order Liliales: out of Australia and through Antarctica

We present the first phylogenomic analysis of relationships among all ten families of Liliales, based on 75 plastid genes from 35 species in 29 genera, and 97 additional plastomes stratified across angiosperm lineages. We used a supermatrix approach to extend our analysis to 58 of 64 genera of Liliales, and calibrated the resulting phylogeny against 17 fossil dates to produce a new timeline for monocot evolution. Liliales diverged from other monocots 124 Mya and began splitting into separate families 113 Mya. Our data support an Australian origin for Liliales, with close relationships between three pairs of lineages (Corsiaceae/Campynemataceae, Philesiaceae/Ripogonaceae, tribes Alstroemerieae/Luzuriageae) in South America and Australia or New Zealand reflecting teleconnections of these areas via Antarctica. Long‐distance dispersal (LDD) across the Pacific and Tasman Sea led to re‐invasion of New Zealand by two lineages (Luzuriaga, Ripogonum); LDD allowed Campynemanthe to colonize New Caledonia after its submergence until 37 Mya. LDD permitted Colchicaceae to invade East Asia and Africa from Australia, and re‐invade Africa from Australia. Periodic desert greening permitted Gloriosa and Iphigenia to colonize Southeast Asia overland from Africa, and Androcymbium–Colchicum to invade the Mediterranean from South Africa. Melanthiaceae and Liliaceae crossed the Bering land‐bridge several times from the Miocene to the Pleistocene.     

Parasites as probes for prehistoric human migrations?

Host-specific parasites of humans are used to track ancient migrations. Based on archaeoparasitology, it is clear that humans entered the New World at least twice in ancient times. The archaeoparasitology of some intestinal parasites in the New World points to migration routes other than the Bering Land Bridge. Helminths have been found in mummies and coprolites in North and South America. Hookworms (Necator and Ancylostoma), whipworms (Trichuris trichiura) and other helminths require specific conditions for life-cycle completion. They could not survive in the cold climate of the northern region of the Americas. Therefore, humans would have lost some intestinal parasites while crossing Beringia. Evidence is provided here from published data of pre-Columbian sites for the peopling of the Americas through trans-oceanic or costal migrations.     

Northern hemisphere biogeography of Cerastium (Caryophyllaceae): insights from phylogenetic analysis of noncoding plastidnucleotide sequences

Phylogenetic relationships and biogeography of the genus Cerastium were studied using sequences of three noncoding plastid DNA regions (trnL intron, trnL-trnF spacer, and psbA-trnH spacer). A total of 57 Cerastium taxa was analyzed using two species of the putative sister genus Stellaria as outgroups. Maximum parsimony analyses identified four clades that largely corresponded to previously recognized infrageneric groups. The results suggest an Old World origin and at least two migration events into North America from the Old World. The first event possibly took place across the Bering land bridge during the Miocene. Subsequent colonization of South America occurred after the North and South American continents joined during the Pliocene. A more recent migration event into North America probably across the northern Atlantic took place during the Quaternary, resulting in the current circumpolar distribution of the Arctic species. Molecular clock dating of major biogeographic events was internally consistent on the phylogenetic trees. The arctic high-polyploid species form a polytomy together with some boreal and temperate species of the C. tomentosum group and the C. arvense group. Lack of genetic variation among the arctic species probably indicates a recent origin. The annual life form is shown to be of polyphyletic origin.     

Rapid expansion and diversification into new niche space by fluvicoline flycatchers

The fluvicoline New World flycatchers (subfamily Fluvicolinae, family Tyrannidae) inhabit a broad range of forest and non‐forest habitats in all parts of the New World. Using a densely sampled phylogeny we depict the diversification and expansion of this group in time and space. We provide evidence that a shift in foraging behaviour allowed the group to rapidly expand in a wide range of tropical and subtropical habitats in South America. The results support that four main clades expanded into and specialized to distinct habitats and climates (closed to open, and warm to cold), respectively, and subsequently underwent vicariant speciation within their respective ecoregions. The group soon reached a significant species diversity over virtually all of South and North America, and with parallel trajectories of speciation slow‐down in all four clades. The genus Muscisaxicola is an exception, as it invaded the most inhospitable and barren environments in the Andes where they underwent rapid diversification in the Plio‐Pleistocene.     

Multilocus phylogeography of a holarctic duck: colonization of north america from eurasia by gadwall (Anas strepera)

More than 100 species of birds have Holarctic distributions extending across Eurasia and North America, and many of them likely achieved these distributions by recently colonizing one continent from the other. Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and five nuclear introns were sequenced to test the direction and timing of colonization for a Holarctic duck, the gadwall (Anas strepera). Three lines of evidence suggest gadwalls colonized North America from Eurasia. First, New World (NW) gadwalls had fewer alleles at every locus and 61% of the allelic richness found in Old World (OW) gadwalls. Second, NW gadwalls had lower mtDNA allelic richness than other NW ducks. Third, coalescent analysis suggested that less than 5% of the ancestral population contributed to NW gadwalls at the time of divergence. Gadwalls likely colonized North America during the Late Pleistocene (approximately 81,000 years ago), but the confidence interval on that estimate was large (8500-450,000 years ago). Intercontinental gene flow and selection also likely contributed to genetic diversity in gadwalls. This study illustrates the use of multiple loci and coalescent analyses for critically testing a priori hypotheses regarding dispersal and colonization and provides an independent datapoint supporting an OW to NW bias in the direction of colonization.     

Genetic variation and differentiation at microsatellite loci in Drosophila simulans. Evidence for founder effects in new world populations.

Drosophila simulans isofemale lines from Africa, South America, and two locations in North America were surveyed for variation at 16 microsatellite loci on the X, second, and third chromosomes, and 18 microsatellites, which are unmapped. D. simulans is thought to have colonized New World habitats only relatively recently (within the last few hundred years). Consistent with a founder effect occurring as colonizers moved into these New World habitats, we find less microsatellite variability in North and South American D. simulans populations than for an African population. Population subdivision as measured at microsatellites is moderate when averaged across all loci (FST = 0.136), but contrasts sharply with previous studies of allozyme variation, which have showed significantly less differentiation in D. simulans than in D. melanogaster. There are substantially fewer private alleles observed in New World populations of D. simulans than seen in a similar survey of D. melanogaster. In addition to possible differences in population size during their evolutionary histories, varying colonization histories or other demographic events may be necessary to explain discrepancies in the patterns of variation observed at various genetic markers between these closely related species.     

Rock art at the pleistocene/holocene boundary in Eastern South America

Background

Most investigations regarding the First Americans have primarily focused on four themes: when the New World was settled by humans; where they came from; how many migrations or colonization pulses from elsewhere were involved in the process; and what kinds of subsistence patterns and material culture they developed during the first millennia of colonization. Little is known, however, about the symbolic world of the first humans who settled the New World, because artistic manifestations either as rock-art, ornaments, and portable art objects dated to the Pleistocene/Holocene transition are exceedingly rare in the Americas.

Methodology/Principal Findings

Here we report a pecked anthropomorphic figure engraved in the bedrock of Lapa do Santo, an archaeological site located in Central Brazil. The horizontal projection of the radiocarbon ages obtained at the north profile suggests a minimum age of 9,370±40 BP, (cal BP 10,700 to 10,500) for the petroglyph that is further supported by optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) dates from sediment in the same stratigraphic unit, located between two ages from 11.7±0.8 ka BP to 9.9±0.7 ka BP.

Conclusions

These data allow us to suggest that the anthropomorphic figure is the oldest reliably dated figurative petroglyph ever found in the New World, indicating that cultural variability during the Pleistocene/Holocene boundary in South America was not restricted to stone tools and subsistence, but also encompassed the symbolic dimension.     

New Archaeological Evidence for an Early Human Presence at Monte Verde,Chile

Questions surrounding the chronology, place, and character of the initial human colonization of the Americas are a long-standing focus of debate. Interdisciplinary debate continues over the timing of entry, the rapidity and direction of dispersion, the variety of human responses to diverse habitats, the criteria for evaluating the validity of early sites, and the differences and similarities between colonization in North and South America. Despite recent advances in our understanding of these issues, archaeology still faces challenges in defining interdisciplinary research problems, assessing the reliability of the data, and applying new interpretative models. As the debates and challenges continue, new studies take place and previous research reexamined. Here we discuss recent exploratory excavation at and interdisciplinary data from the Monte Verde area in Chile to further our understanding of the first peopling of the Americas. New evidence of stone artifacts, faunal remains, and burned areas suggests discrete horizons of ephemeral human activity in a sandur plain setting radiocarbon and luminescence dated between at least ~18,500 and 14,500 cal BP. Based on multiple lines of evidence, including sedimentary proxies and artifact analysis, we present the probable anthropogenic origins and wider implications of this evidence. In a non-glacial cold climate environment of the south-central Andes, which is challenging for human occupation and for the preservation of hunter-gatherer sites, these horizons provide insight into an earlier context of late Pleistocene human behavior in northern Patagonia.     

Molecular phylogeny of New World Myotis (Chiroptera, Vespertilionidae) inferred from mitochondrial and nuclear DNA genes

Recent studies have shown that species in the genus Myotis have evolved a number of convergent morphological traits, many of which are more related to their mode of food procurement than to their phylogeny. Surprisingly, the biogeographic origins of these species are a much better predictor of phylogenetic relationships, than their morphology. In particular, a monophyletic clade that includes all New World species was apparent, but only a third of the 38 species have been analysed. In order to better understand the evolution of this clade, we present phylogenetic reconstructions of 17 Nearctic and 13 Neotropical species of Myotis compared to a number of Old World congeners. These reconstructions are based on mitochondrial cytochrome b (1140 bp), and nuclear Rag 2 genes (1148 bp). Monophyly of the New World clade is strongly supported in all analyses. Two Palaearctic sister species, one from the west (M. brandtii) and one from the east (M. gracilis), are embedded within the New World clade, suggesting that they either moved across the Bering Strait, or that they descended from the same ancestor that reached the New World. An emerging feature of these phylogenetic reconstructions is that limited faunal exchanges have occurred, including between the North and South American continents, further emphasizing the importance of biogeography in the radiation of Myotis. A fossil-calibrated, relaxed molecular-clock model was used to estimate the divergence time of New World lineages to 12.2+/-2.0 MYA. Early diversification of New World Myotis coincides with the sharp global cooling of the Middle Miocene. Radiation of the temperate-adapted Myotis may have been triggered by these climatic changes. The relative paucity of species currently found in South America might result from a combination of factors including the early presence of competitors better adapted to tropical habitats.     

Synchronous intercontinental splits between assemblages of woodpeckers suggested by molecular data

The woodpeckers (Piciformes: Picinae) comprise a widely distributed and species-rich clade of birds that is strongly associated with trees for feeding, nesting, or both. Because of this association, woodpeckers provide a useful model for evaluating the impact of climatic and tectonic events on the diversification of forest birds during the Tertiary. In order to resolve the biogeographical history of the woodpeckers, we have analysed sequences from two nuclear introns and one mitochondrial gene using likelihood and Bayesian approaches. Our analyses favour a tropical Eurasian origin; divergences between African, Indo-Malayan and New World clades with subsequent colonizations of Africa and the New World occurred synchronously during the Middle Miocene, a period corresponding to the expansion of the C4 grasses and the uplift of the Himalayan-Tibetan plateau. The taxonomic diversification of woodpeckers at this time may be attributed to the fragmentation of forests in response to the drier climate, which in turn prevented gene flow between tropical stocks in Africa, Indo-Malaya and the New World. Our estimates of colonization times of South America predate the closure of the Panama Isthmus and support the hypothesis of a short-lived, terrestrial corridor at the end of the Miocene, 5.7 Myr BP.