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1.
This study examines bioarchaeological evidence for violence during the period of Wari imperialism in the Peruvian Andes through analysis of skeletal trauma from three populations dating to AD 650-800. The samples are from contemporaneous archaeological sites: Conchopata, a Wari heartland site in central highland Peru; Beringa, a community of commoners in the Majes valley of the southern Wari hinterland; and La Real, a high status mortuary site, also in the Majes valley. Given the expansionist nature of Wari and its military-related iconography and weaponry, it is hypothesized that Wari imperialism was concomitant with greater levels of violence relative to other prehispanic groups in the Andes. It is also hypothesized that differential articulation with the Wari empire (e.g., heartland vs. hinterland groups) affected the frequency and patterning of trauma. Results show that cranial trauma frequency of the three Wari era samples is significantly greater than several other Andean skeletal populations. This suggests that Wari rule was associated with high levels of violence, though it may not have always been related to militarism. The three adult samples show similar frequencies of cranial trauma (Conchopata = 26%; Beringa = 33%; La Real = 31%). This may suggest that differential positioning in the Wari empire had little effect on exposure to violence. Sex-based differences in cranial trauma frequencies are present only at La Real, but wound patterning differs between the sexes: females display more wounds on the posterior of the cranium, while males show more on the anterior. These data suggest that Wari rule may have contributed to violence.  相似文献   

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This study investigates evidence of changes and continuities in ancient Maya violence and warfare in inland northwest Yucatan, Mexico from the Middle Preclassic (600–300 BC) to the Postclassic (AD 1050–1542) through bioarchaeological analysis of cranial and projectile trauma. It is hypothesized that the frequency of violence increases before the Classic Maya collapse and remains high during the Postclassic period. It is also hypothesized that the flat, open terrain was conducive to warfare and resulted in higher trauma frequencies than in other parts of the Maya area. Results show that the frequency of cranial trauma decreases before the Classic collapse and increases in the Postclassic, partially matching the expected chronological trends. The frequency of cranial trauma does not differ significantly from other Maya regions but the pattern does: for all periods, males have more healed injuries than females and they are concentrated on the left side of the anterior of the skull. Some injuries appear to be from small points hafted in wooden clubs. In addition, projectile trauma is evident in a scapula with an embedded arrowhead tip, the first such case reported in a Maya skeleton. Overall, these results suggest greater reliance on open combat and less on raids in this region compared with other parts of the Maya area, possibly due to the flat, open terrain, though the identification of perimortem trauma in both women and men indicates surprise raids on settlements were also practiced. Am J Phys Anthropol 154:140–151, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

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Processes of State Formation in the Inca Heartland (Cuzco, Peru)   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This article addresses Inca state formation in the central highlands of Peru. Using ethnohistoric materials and new archaeological survey data from three areas surrounding Cuzco, the capital of the Inca empire, we argue that rapid Inca expansion after C.E. 1400 was made possible by long-term processes of state formation and regional consolidation. From C.E. 1000-1400, a centralized state developed in the Cuzco Valley, extending its direct administrative control over numerous neighboring groups. Less powerful neighboring polities accepted Inca adm nistration early on, perhaps even n tiating Inca patronage. Strong rivals to Inca control maintained their independence, at times depopulating intermediate areas and settling in defensive sites to protect settlements and resources. Finally, groups of intermediate complexity used alliances and violence to align themselves with the strongest regional competitors. Such variability in regional integration strategies reveals how Inca state formation processes influenced later patterns of imperial conquest and administraton. [Keywords: inca, state formation, imperialism, archaeology, ethnicityl  相似文献   

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In this study, patterns of prehistoric trepanation in the southern highlands of Peru were examined through an analysis of 11 Cuzco-region burial sites. Trepanations were found in 66 individuals, with several individuals exhibiting more than one trepanation, for a total of 109 perforations observed. The predominant methods used were circular cutting and scraping-methods that proved highly successful with an overall 83% survival rate and little ensuing infection. Survival rates showed a significant increase over time, apparently reflecting improvements in trepanation technique through experimentation and practical experience. Practitioners avoided certain areas of the cranium and employed methods that reduced the likelihood of damage to the cerebral meninges and venous sinuses. In many cases, trepanation as a medical treatment appears to have been prompted by cranial trauma, a finding that corroborates other studies pointing to cranial trauma as a primary motivation for the surgical procedure.  相似文献   

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To test the historically documented hypothesis of a general increase in deliberate violence in the eastern Adriatic from the antique (AN; 2nd–6th c.) through the early medieval (EM; 7th–11th c.) to the late‐medieval period (LM; 12th–16th c.), an analysis of the frequency and patterning of bone trauma was conducted in three skeletal series from these time periods. A total of 1,125 adult skeletons—346 from the AN, 313 from the EM, and 466 from the LM series—were analyzed. To differentiate between intentional violence and accidental injuries, data for trauma frequencies were collected for the complete skeleton, individual long bones, and the craniofacial region as well as by type of injury (perimortem vs. antemortem). The results of our analyses show a significant temporal increase in total fracture frequencies when calculated by skeleton as well as of individuals exhibiting one skeletal indicator of deliberate violence (sharp force lesions, craniofacial injuries, “parry” fractures, or perimortem trauma). No significant temporal increases were, however, noted in the frequencies of craniofacial trauma, “parry” fractures, perimortem injuries, or of individuals exhibiting multiple skeletal indicators of intentional violence. Cumulatively, these data suggest that the temporal increase in total fracture frequencies recorded in the eastern Adriatic was caused by a combination of factors that included not only an increase of intentional violence but also a significant change in lifestyle that accompanied the transition from a relatively affluent AN urban lifestyle to a more primitive rural medieval way of life. Am J Phys Anthropol 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

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Fourteen adult burials in a large (N = 224) prehistoric central California cemetery (CA-SCL-674) lack forearm bones. Twelve of these otherwise well-articulated primary interments have distal humeri bearing cutmarks with a distribution like that seen in fur seals butchered by Native Californians. Most of the burials with missing forearms are young adult males, a demographic profile that differs significantly from the full sample. Three of these males show evidence of perimortem trauma in addition to forearm amputation. Drilled and polished human radii and ulnae were recovered from the CA-SCL-674 cemetery in archaeological contexts separate from burials with missing forearms. A warfare-related trophy-taking practice is strongly suggested by these bioarchaeological data. Based on these data, it seems likely that 20% (N = 10) or more of the adult males (N = 59) in this population were victims of violence. Evidence of perimortem violence was much less common among women, with only about 2% (N = 2) of adult females (N = 86) subjected to trophy-taking. Examination of museum collections produced further evidence for perimortem forearm amputation among the Native American inhabitants of this area during the transition between the Early and Middle periods. The emergence of more hierarchical social systems during this period may have fostered warfare-related trophy-taking as a symbolic tool for enhancing the power and prestige of individuals within competing social groups.  相似文献   

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The sternal end of the clavicle has been illustrated to be useful in aging young adults, however, no studies have investigated what age‐related changes occur to the sternal end post epiphyseal fusion. In this study, three morphological features (i.e., surface topography, porosity, and osteophyte formation) were examined and scored using 564 clavicles of individuals of European ancestry (n = 318 males; n = 246 females), with known ages of 40+ years, from four documented skeletal collections: Hamann‐Todd, Pretoria, St. Bride's, and Coimbra. An ordinal scoring method was developed for each of the three traits. Surface topography showed the strongest correlation with age, and composite scores (formed by summing the three separate trait scores) indicated progressive degeneration of the surface with increasing chronological age. Linear regression analyses were performed on the trait scores to produce pooled‐sample age estimation equations. Blind tests of the composite score method and regression formulae on 56 individuals, aged 40+ years, from Christ Church Spitalfields, suggest accuracies of 96.4% for both methods. These preliminary results display the first evidence of the utility of the sternal end of the clavicle in aging older adult individuals. However, in the current format, these criteria should only be applied to individuals already identified as over 40 years in order to refine the age ranges used for advanced age. These findings do suggest the sternal end of the clavicle has potential to aid age estimates beyond the traditional “mature adult” age category (i.e., 46+ years), and provides several suggestions for future research. Am J Phys Anthropol 156:203–214, 2015. © 2014 The Authors American Journal of Physical Anthropology Published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

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Excavation of the historic period cemetery in ?epin, Croatia revealed the presence of a large number of perimortem injuries distributed among males, females, and subadults. Archaeological and historical data suggest these individuals were victims of a raid carried out by Turkish akinji light cavalry in 1441. Comparisons with the frequencies of perimortem trauma in 12 other, temporally congruent skeletal series from the Balkans (n = 2,123 skeletons) support this assumption. The role of the akinji in the Ottoman army was twofold: to supply war captives, and to terrorize and disperse local populations before the advance of regular troops. This article tests the hypothesis that the purpose of the 1441 raid was the latter. To accomplish this, perimortem trauma in the series were analyzed by sex, age, location, and depth of the injury. A total of 82 perimortem injuries were recorded in 12 males, 7 females, and 3 subadults. The demographic profile of the victims suggests that young adults were specifically targeted in the attack. Significant sex differences are noted in the number, distribution, and pattern of perimortem trauma. Females exhibit significantly more perimortem injuries per individual, and per bone affected, than males. The morphology and pattern of perimortem trauma in females is suggestive of gratuitous violence. Cumulatively, analysis of the osteological data suggest that the objective of the 1441 akinji raid was to spread terror and panic in the ?epin area, either as revenge for recent military setbacks, or as part of a long‐term strategy intended to depopulate the area around Osijek. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2010. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

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当今骨科领域,周围神经损伤一直影响着患者疗效。肌萎缩的发生,细胞凋亡导致骨骼肌萎缩,神经-肌肉接头处营养因子的代谢发生障碍,肌卫星细胞的减少,生长因子以及线粒体和各种酶的变化都是失神经骨骼肌萎缩的机制。电刺激法,保护神经元,生长因子,神经植入提高神经再生速度以及被动活动可以有效治疗患者。失神经骨骼肌萎缩的研究进展也趋于完善。  相似文献   

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There have been relatively few paleopathological studies of arctic populations to date, compared to other regions of North America. Studies aimed at elucidating patterns of health and disease in arctic peoples prior to contact and assessing inter- and intraregional differences in disease patterns have been particularly few. In the present study, five pre-contact skeletal samples (N = 193), representing 4 Eskimo populations from northern coastal Alaska and 1 Aleut population from the eastern Aleutian Islands, were examined macroscopically for the following indicators of health status: cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis, trauma, infection, dental caries, abscesses, antemortem tooth loss, periodontal disease, and dental attrition. In addition, archeological and epidemiological data were used to help reconstruct the health of these populations. The goals of the analysis were 2-fold: 1) to assess the pre-contact health of North Alaskan Eskimos and Aleuts in order to provide a baseline comparison for the post-contact health of these groups, and 2) to determine if any differences in disease patterns exist between the Eskimos and Aleuts that might be related to differences in their physical environment, subsistence patterns, and cultural practices. The analysis revealed that both groups suffered from a variety of health problems prior to contact, including iron deficiency anemia, trauma, infection, and various forms of dental pathology. Statistical comparisons of the 2 groups revealed that Eskimos and Aleuts had different patterns of health and disease prior to contact. Most notably, the Aleuts had a significantly higher frequency of cranial trauma and infracranial infection than the Eskimos, while the latter had a significantly higher frequency of enamel hypoplasia. An examination of the physical and cultural environment of the 2 groups reveals several possible explanations for these differences, including warfare, subsistence pursuits, and housing practices. The documentation of these differences indicates that variability in pre-contact disease patterns can be identified between hunter-gatherer populations living in similar environments and exhibiting similar general lifestyles. Am J Phys Anthropol 107:51–70, 1998. © 1998 Wiley-Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

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Paleodemography, the study of demographic parameters of past human populations, relies on assumptions including biological uniformitarianism, stationary populations, and the ability to determine point age estimates from skeletal material. These assumptions have been widely criticized in the literature and various solutions have been proposed. The majority of these solutions rely on statistical modeling, and have not seen widespread application. Most bioarchaeologists recognize that our ability to assess chronological age is inherently limited, and have instead resorted to large, qualitative, age categories. However, there has been little attempt in the literature to systematize and define the stages of development and ageing used in bioarchaeology. We propose that stages should be based in the human life history pattern, and their skeletal markers should have easily defined and clear endpoints. In addition to a standard five-stage developmental model based on the human life history pattern, current among human biologists, we suggest divisions within the adult stage that recognize the specific nature of skeletal samples. We therefore propose the following eight stages recognizable in human skeletal development and senescence: infancy, early childhood, late childhood, adolescence, young adulthood, full adulthood, mature adulthood, and senile adulthood. Striving toward a better prediction of chronological ages will remain important and could eventually help us understand to what extent past societies differed in the timing of these life stages. Furthermore, paleodemographers should try to develop methods that rely on the type of age information accessible from the skeletal material, which uses life stages, rather than point age estimates.  相似文献   

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In this paper, we describe a simple and reproducible method for purifying large quantities of ryanodine receptor from skeletal muscle membranes. The procedure involves the use of ion exchange chromatography and sucrose gradient centrifugation to purify the protein which has been identified as the calcium release protein of the sarcoplasmic reticulum (Imagawa, T., Smith, J., Coronado, R. and Campbell, K. (1987) J. Biol. Chem. 262:16,636–16,643). Addition of micromolar quantities of unlabeled ryanodine prior to solubilization and throughout the isolation procedure appears to stabilize the tetrameric structure of the ryanodine receptor. The purified receptor, consisting predominantly of a 400K polypeptide on SDS-PAGE, binds [3H]ryanodine with a binding affinity similar to that in membranes. Overall recovery of ryanodine binding activity was 21% of the initial activity with a 30-fold purification of the receptor.  相似文献   

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