Issues of affinity: Exploring population structure in the middle and regional developments periods of San Pedro de Atacama,Chile

The Middle Period (AD 400–1000) in northern Chile's Atacama oases is characterized by an increase in social complexity and regional interaction, much of which was organized around the power and impact of the Tiwanaku polity. Despite the strong cultural influence of Tiwanaku and numerous other groups evident in interactions with Atacameños, the role of immigration into the oases during this period is unclear. While archaeological and bioarchaeological research in the region has shown no evidence that clearly indicates large groups of foreign immigrants, the contemporary increase in interregional exchange networks connecting the oases to other parts of the Andes suggests residential mobility and the possibility that movement of people both into and out of the oases accompanied these foreign influences. Here, we analyze biodistance through cranial non‐metric traits in a skeletal sample from prehistoric San Pedro de Atacama to elucidate the extent of foreign influence in the oases and discuss its implications. We analyzed 715 individuals from the Middle Period (AD 400–1000) and later Regional Developments Period (AD 1000–1450), and found greater phenotypic differences between Middle Period cemeteries than among cemeteries in the subsequent period. We argue that this greater diversity extends beyond the relationship between the oases and the renowned Tiwanaku polity and reflects the role of the oases and its different ayllus as a node and way station for the Middle Period's myriad interregional networks. Am J Phys Anthropol 152:370–382, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Dental health in Northern Chile's Atacama oases: evaluating the Middle Horizon (AD 500-1000) impact on local diet

As one of the few areas apt for horticulture in Northern Chile's arid landscape, the prehistory of the Atacama oases is deeply enmeshed with that of the inter‐regional networks that promoted societal development in the south central Andes. During the Middle Horizon (AD 500–1000), local populations experienced a cultural apex associated with a substantial increase in inter‐regional interaction, population density, and quantity and quality of mortuary assemblages. Here, we test if this cultural peak affected dietary practices equally among the distinct local groups of this period. We examine caries prevalence and the degree of occlusal wear in four series recovered from three cemeteries. Our results show a reduction in the prevalence of caries for males among an elite subsample from Solcor 3 and the later Coyo 3 cemeteries. Dental wear tends to increase over time with the Late Middle Horizon/Late Intermediate Period cemetery of Quitor 6 showing a higher average degree of wear. When considered in concert with archaeological information, we concluded that the Middle Horizon was marked by dietary variability wherein some populations were able to obtain better access to protein sources (e.g., camelid meat). Not all members of Atacameño society benefited from this, as we note that this dietary change only affected men. Our results suggest that the benefits brought to the San Pedro oases during the Middle Horizon were not equally distributed among local groups and that social status, relationship to the Tiwanaku polity, and interment in particular cemeteries affected dietary composition. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Interpersonal violence in prehistoric San Pedro de Atacama, Chile: behavioral implications of environmental stress

The prehistoric population of San Pedro de Atacama lived through periods marked by prosperity and interregional interaction, as well as times of severe drought, social stress, and widespread poverty. A sample of 682 crania was analyzed for evidence of cranial trauma in order to assess changing patterns of interpersonal violence during the occupation of the oasis. It was hypothesized that the level of traumatic injuries in this population would parallel some of the changes seen in the archaeological record. Low fracture rates would be expected in periods of affluence and environmental stability, while periods characterized by environmental extremes and state collapse would yield elevated rates of aggression. This analysis found that rates of trauma escalated from 5.1% (5/99) in the earliest period, to 10.9% (10/92) in the Middle Horizon (AD 600-950). Although it may reflect problems related to increasing population density in the oasis, this increase is surprising, given that the early period witnessed the shift to permanent settlements, and the middle period was one of prosperity and plentiful resource availability. Trauma rates peaked at 35.6% (16/45) in an early Late Intermediate period (AD 950-1400) cemetery, with other Late Intermediate cemeteries demonstrating similarly high rates of traumatic injury. The elevated trauma rates during this period correlate with major droughts, the concentration of settlements on the oasis' east side, fortified structures, and material poverty, all reflected in the archaeological record. As the Late Intermediate waned and environmental conditions improved, trauma concomitantly decreased (7.0%), and remained low throughout the Inka occupation (AD 1400-1532). This indicates that while the Atacama was not peaceful, violence became commonplace only during periods of great social change and resource stress.     

Trophy‐taking and dismemberment as warfare strategies in prehistoric central California

We document evidence for trophy‐taking and dismemberment with a new bioarchaeological database featuring 13,453 individuals from prehistoric central California sites. Our study reveals 76 individuals with perimortem removal of body parts consistent with trophy‐taking or dismemberment; nine of these individuals display multiple types of trophy‐taking and dismemberment for a total of 87 cases. Cases span almost 5,000 years, from the Early Period (3000–500 BC) to the Late Period (AD 900–1700). Collectively, these individuals share traits that distinguish them from the rest of the population: a high frequency of young adult males, an increased frequency of associated trauma, and a tendency towards multiple burials and haphazard burial positions. Eight examples of human bone artifacts were also found that appear related to trophy‐taking. These characteristics suggest that trophy‐taking and dismemberment were an important part of the warfare practices of central Californian tribes. Temporally, the two practices soared in the Early/Middle Transition Period (500–200 BC), which may have reflected a more complex sociopolitical system that encouraged the use of trophies for status acquisition, as well as the migration of outside groups that resulted in intensified conflict. Overall, trophy‐taking and dismemberment appear to have been the product of the social geography of prehistoric central California, where culturally differentiated tribes lived in close proximity to their enemies. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2010. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Investigating human responses to political and environmental change through paleodiet and paleomobility

Bioarchaeological approaches are well suited for examining past responses to political and environmental changes. In the Andes, we hypothesized that political and environmental changes around AD 1100 resulted in behavioral changes, visible as shifts in paleodiet and paleomobility, among individuals in the San Pedro de Atacama oases and Loa River Valley. To investigate this hypothesis, we generated carbon and oxygen isotope data from cemeteries dating to the early Middle Horizon (Larache, Quitor‐5, Solor‐3), late Middle Horizon (Casa Parroquial, Coyo Oriental, Coyo‐3, Solcor‐Plaza, Solcor‐3, Tchecar), and Late Intermediate Period (Caspana, Quitor‐6 Tardío, Toconce, Yaye‐1, Yaye‐2, Yaye‐3, Yaye‐4). Carbon isotope data demonstrate a greater range of carbon sources during the late Middle Horizon compared with the Late Intermediate Period; while most individuals consumed largely C₃ sources, some late Middle Horizon individuals consumed more C₄ sources. Oxygen isotope data demonstrate greater diversity in drinking water sources during the late Middle Horizon compared with the Late Intermediate Period. Water samples were analyzed to provide baseline data on oxygen isotope variability within the Atacama Desert, and demonstrated that oxygen isotope values are indistinguishable in the San Pedro and Loa Rivers. However, oxygen isotope values in water sources in the high‐altitude altiplano and coast are distinct from those in the San Pedro and Loa Rivers. In conclusion, instead of utilizing a wider variety of resources after environmental and political changes, individuals exhibited a wider range of paleodietary and paleomobility strategies during the Middle Horizon, a period of environmental and political stability. Am J Phys Anthropol 157:179–201, 2015. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Skeletal evidence for Inca warfare from the Cuzco region of Peru

This article addresses the bioarchaeological evidence for Inca warfare through an analysis of 454 adult skeletons from 11 sites in the Inca capital region of Cuzco, Peru. These 11 sites span almost 1000 years (AD 600-1532), which allows for a comparison of the evidence for warfare before the Inca came to power (Middle Horizon AD 600-1000), during the time of Inca ascendency in the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400), and after the Inca came to power and expanded throughout the Cuzco region and beyond (Inca Imperial Period, AD 1400-1532). The results indicate that 100 of 454 adults (22.0%) showed evidence of cranial trauma. Of these, 23 individuals had major cranial injuries suggestive of warfare, consisting of large, complete, and/or perimortem fractures. There was scant evidence for major injuries during the Middle Horizon (2.8%, 1/36) and Late Intermediate Period (2.5%, 5/199), suggesting that warfare was not prevalent in the Cuzco region before and during the Inca rise to power. Only in the Inca Imperial Period was there a significant rise in major injuries suggestive of warfare (7.8%, 17/219). Despite the significant increase in Inca times, the evidence for major cranial injuries was only sporadically distributed at Cuzco periphery sites and was entirely absent at Cuzco core sites. These findings suggest that while the Inca used warfare as a mechanism for expansion in the Cuzco region, it was only one part of a complex expansion strategy that included economic, political, and ideological means to gain and maintain control.     

Violence and weapon‐related trauma at Puruchuco‐Huaquerones,Peru

Conquest of indigenous peoples in North America is understood primarily through ethnohistorical documents, archaeological evidence, and osteological analyses. However, in the Central Andes, the colonial enterprise and its effects are understood only from postcontact historical and ethnohistorical sources. Few archaeological and bioarchaeological studies have investigated Spanish Conquest and colonialism in the Andean region [for exceptions see Klaus and Tam: Am J Phys Anthropol 138 (2009) 356–368; Wernke, in press ; and Quilter, in press ]. Here we describe bioarchaeological evidence of violence from the cemeteries of Huaquerones and 57AS03 within the archaeological zone of Puruchuco‐Huaquerones, Peru (circa A.D. 1470–1540). A total of 258 individuals greater than 15 years of age were analyzed for evidence of traumatic injuries. Individuals were examined macroscopically and evidence of traumatic injuries was analyzed according to the skeletal element involved, the location of the injury on the skeletal element, and any additional complications of the injury. This study examines and compares the evidence of perimortem injuries on skeletonized individuals from the two cemeteries and focuses specifically on the interpretation of weapon‐related perimortem injuries. Evidence of perimortem trauma is present in both cemeteries (18.6%, 48/258); however, the frequency of injuries in 57AS03 is greater than that in Huaquerones (25.0% vs. 13.0%). Several injuries from 57AS03 are consistent with documented cases of injuries from firearms and 16th Century European weapons. We believe that the nature and high frequency of perimortem trauma at 57AS03 provide evidence of the violence that occurred with Spanish Conquest of the Inca Empire. Am J Phys Anthropol 142:636–649, 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Bioarchaeological investigation of ancient Maya violence and warfare in inland northwest Yucatan,Mexico

This study investigates evidence of changes and continuities in ancient Maya violence and warfare in inland northwest Yucatan, Mexico from the Middle Preclassic (600–300 BC) to the Postclassic (AD 1050–1542) through bioarchaeological analysis of cranial and projectile trauma. It is hypothesized that the frequency of violence increases before the Classic Maya collapse and remains high during the Postclassic period. It is also hypothesized that the flat, open terrain was conducive to warfare and resulted in higher trauma frequencies than in other parts of the Maya area. Results show that the frequency of cranial trauma decreases before the Classic collapse and increases in the Postclassic, partially matching the expected chronological trends. The frequency of cranial trauma does not differ significantly from other Maya regions but the pattern does: for all periods, males have more healed injuries than females and they are concentrated on the left side of the anterior of the skull. Some injuries appear to be from small points hafted in wooden clubs. In addition, projectile trauma is evident in a scapula with an embedded arrowhead tip, the first such case reported in a Maya skeleton. Overall, these results suggest greater reliance on open combat and less on raids in this region compared with other parts of the Maya area, possibly due to the flat, open terrain, though the identification of perimortem trauma in both women and men indicates surprise raids on settlements were also practiced. Am J Phys Anthropol 154:140–151, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Outside St. Jørgen: leprosy in the medieval Danish city of Odense

Leprosy was a common and dreaded disease in the Danish Middle Ages (AD 1050-1536). Starting in the second half of the 13th century, leprosaria were established in many Danish towns and cities. In the city of Odense (on the island of Funen, Denmark), the cemetery of the leprosarium was totally excavated, and four nonleprosarium medieval and early modern cemeteries have been partly excavated. This paper explores the frequency of leprosy in the nonleprosarium cemeteries in Odense, and looks for evidence of selective exclusion from the ordinary population. The analyses are based on 733 skeletons from four cemeteries in Odense: the Gray Friars monastery, St. Albani parish church, St. Knuds cathedral, and Black Friars monastery. Seven lesions are scored and, based on known epidemiological properties (i.e., specificity and sensitivity) of these lesions, scores were transformed to statistics characterizing an individual's risk of having suffered from leprosy. This statistical approach remains of primary theoretical value, pending confirmation by independent research groups at other sites. Prevalence of the skeletal manifestation of leprosy at death varied between 0-17% among the different cemeteries in Odense. The highest prevalence was seen in cemeteries with many burials before AD 1400. It is estimated that before AD 1400, between 14-17% of those buried in the nonleprosarium cemeteries suffered from leprosy. In all nonleprosarium cemeteries, there was evidence for selective exclusion of people with facial leprosy lesions. For a short period just up to AD 1300, the cemetery of the Odense leprosarium had, on average, more than 20 yearly burials. The establishment of the leprosarium was followed within a relatively short period by a dramatic decline in the number of sufferers of leprosy in the nonleprosarium cemeteries. The number of yearly burials in the leprosarium cemetery also declined rapidly during the 14th century. The present analyses do not permit conclusions about the reasons for this decline in leprosy prevalence.     

Paleomobility in the Tiwanaku Diaspora: Biogeochemical analyses at Rio Muerto,Moquegua, Peru

Paleomobility has been a key element in the study of the expansion of ancient states and empires, including the Tiwanaku polity of the South Central Andes (AD 500–1000). We present radiogenic strontium and oxygen isotope data from human burials from three cemeteries in the Tiwanaku‐affiliated Middle Horizon archaeological site complex of Rio Muerto in the Moquegua Valley of southern Peru. At Rio Muerto, archaeological human enamel and bone values range from ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr = 0.70657–0.72018, with a mean of ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr = 0.70804 ± 0.00207 (1σ, n = 55). For the subset of samples analyzed for oxygen isotope values (n = 48), the data ranges from δ¹⁸O_{carbonate(VSMOW)} = +18.1 to +27.0‰. When contextualized with other lines of archaeological evidence, we interpret these data as evidence for an archaeological population in which the majority of individuals had “local” origins, and were likely second‐generation, or more, immigrants from the Tiwanaku heartland in the altiplano. Based on detailed life history data, we argue a smaller number of individuals came at different ages from various regions within the Tiwanaku polity. We consider whether these individuals with isotopic values consistent with “nonlocal” geographic origins could represent first‐generation migrants, marriage exchange partners, or occupationally mobile herders, traders or other travelers. By combining isotopic life history studies with mortuary treatment data, we use a person‐centered migration history approach to state integration and expansion. Isotopic analyses of paleomobility at the Rio Muerto site complex contribute to the role of diversity in ancient states by demonstrating the range of geographic origins rather than simply colonists from the Lake Titicaca Basin. Am J Phys Anthropol 155:405–421, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

The usefulness of caries frequency,depth, and location in determining cariogenicity and past subsistence: A test on early and later agriculturalists from the Peruvian coast

Dental markers have been used to unravel particularities of paleodiet, subsistence, social structure, and health. This article aims to compare oral pathology among four pre‐Columbian groups with different degrees of agricultural and socio‐cultural development but comparable ecological conditions who lived on the coastal desert of Peru. Three of these groups are assigned to distinct phases of the Formative Period (2500–1 BC), a time critical for our understanding of the development of agriculture and social complexity. The fourth group corresponds to the Late Intermediate Period (1000–1470 AD), when agriculture had its apogee and society was highly stratified. In this study we test whether there is an increase (1) in the frequency of carious lesions and (2) in caries depth, and (3) if there is a shift from occlusal to extra‐occlusal caries locations with the development of agriculture. Therefore, we analyze the frequencies of carious lesions and antemortem tooth loss (AMTL), the caries distributions by age, sex, and type of tooth, as well as the tissues affected by, and the location of the carious lesions. Since there are no significant differences in the frequencies of carious lesions and AMTL between the groups, we reject hypothesis 1. In contrast, caries depth does increase, and caries location changes from occlusal to extra‐occlusal sites with agricultural development. However, we can only corroborate hypothesis 2 and 3 when taking into consideration dental wear. Thus, we recommend that caries depth and locations should be used with evaluations of dental wear to reconstruct subsistence in ancient populations. Am J Phys Anthropol 143:75–91, 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Changing patterns of mobility as a response to climatic deterioration and aridification in the middle Holocene southern Sahara

The African Humid Period witnessed a rapid human re‐occupation of the Sahara as numerous lakes formed during the Holocene climatic optimum circa 10‐5 kya. Permanent waters attracted a variety of aquatic and terrestrial fauna allowing for long‐term occupation of specific paleolake basins. The Gobero paleolake in central Niger was one such location that preserves a unique mortuary record from the southern Sahara. Here, we use radiogenic strontium isotope analysis to investigate how human communities adapted to aridification throughout the Holocene. In particular, we examine the effects of increasing climate instability on patterns of human mobility. Results of radiogenic strontium isotope analysis of enamel and bone samples from Middle Holocene burials (～7.2–4.9 kya) indicate predominantly local values with no evidence for sex‐based variation. Comparisons of radiogenic strontium isotope data with previously published (Stojanowski and Knudson: Am J Phys Anthropol 146 (2011) 49–61) Early Holocene burials (～9.7–8.3 kya) indicate significant differences in both enamel and bone values. Middle Holocene individuals demonstrate a predominantly non‐local signature for enamel values and a predominantly local signature for bone values. Those individuals with non‐local bone values always demonstrated non‐local enamel values; however, the opposite was not the case. This suggests a divergence of mobility strategies during the Middle Holocene with a minority of individuals maintaining a more mobile existence throughout their life and others maintaining a similar strategy as Early Holocene hunter–gatherers that was tied to the paleolake basin. The more mobile individuals likely lived during the terminal phase of the lake's occupation. One response to aridification by Saharan peoples, then, was increasing mobility. Am J Phys Anthropol 154:79–93, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

北京军都山古代居民的颅骨创伤

北京延庆军都山墓地是东周时期玉皇庙文化的代表性墓地。对墓地出土125例个体颅骨创伤的观察表明,军都山男性颅骨创伤的发生率为13.3%,均为生前钝器伤;女性和未成年个体则未发现有颅骨创伤病例。颅骨创伤的发生没有时代变化或墓葬等级间的差异。军都山古代男性居民较高的颅骨创伤率与暴力冲突关系最为密切,是军都山社会关系不稳定性的一种体现,与农牧交错区生态的脆弱性、外来人群流入以及与周边定居农业人群互动等因素所导致的竞争增强有关。     

Medieval monastic mortality: Hazard analysis of mortality differences between monastic and nonmonastic cemeteries in England

Scholarship on life in medieval European monasteries has revealed a variety of factors that potentially affected mortality in these communities. Though there is some evidence based on age‐at‐death distributions from England that monastic males lived longer than members of the general public, what is missing from the literature is an explicit examination of how the risks of mortality within medieval monastic settings differed from those within contemporaneous lay populations. This study examines differences in the hazard of mortality for adult males between monastic cemeteries (n = 528) and non‐monastic cemeteries (n = 368) from London, all of which date to between AD 1050 and 1540. Age‐at‐death data from all cemeteries are pooled to estimate the Gompertz hazard of mortality, and “monastic” (i.e., buried in a monastic cemetery) is modeled as a covariate affecting this baseline hazard. The estimated effect of the monastic covariate is negative, suggesting that individuals in the monastic communities faced reduced risks of dying compared to their peers in the lay communities. These results suggest better diets, the positive health benefits of religious behavior, better living conditions in general in monasteries, or selective recruitment of healthy or higher socioeconomic status individuals. Am J Phys Anthropol 152:322–332, 2013. © 2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Broken noses for the gods: ritual battles in the Atacama Desert during the Tiwanaku period

The sample consists of 226 skulls from the Atacame?o cemetery of Coyo Oriente (639-910 AD), associated with the Tiwanaku period. The authors analyzed signs of acute trauma typically associated with violence, and the results were 12% of men and 9.9% of women displaying any type of lesion related to violence. In males, concentration of these non-lethal lesions in the nasal region (10.4%) as opposed to a random distribution over the entire skull (1.6%), suggests that the blows were struck during rituals. The cultural context of this period, with a strong ideological influence from Tiwanaku, supports the ritual hypothesis, since both the ethnographic as well as archeological records point to the existence of non-lethal violent bleeding with ritual beating to the face. Such rituals persist to this day among certain Andean populations. Among women, the most plausible hypothesis for the lesions (3.9% in the skull, 4.9% in the nasal bones, and 0.9% in the face) is domestic conflicts, since they show a random distribution. Previous studies with other Atacame?o samples had indicated the same results for women.     

A unique human-fox burial from a pre-Natufian cemetery in the Levant (Jordan)

New human burials from northern Jordan provide important insights into the appearance of cemeteries and the nature of human-animal relationships within mortuary contexts during the Epipalaeolithic period (c. 23,000-11,600 cal BP) in the Levant, reinforcing a socio-ideological relationship that goes beyond predator-prey. Previous work suggests that archaeological features indicative of social complexity occur suddenly during the latest Epipalaeolithic phase, the Natufian (c. 14,500-11,600 cal BP). These features include sedentism, cemeteries, architecture, food production, including animal domestication, and burials with elaborate mortuary treatments. Our findings from the pre-Natufian (Middle Epipalaeolithic) cemetery of 'Uyun al-Hammam demonstrate that joint human-animal mortuary practices appear earlier in the Epipalaeolithic. We describe the earliest human-fox burial in the Near East, where the remains of dogs have been found associated with human burials at a number of Natufian sites. This is the first time that a fox has been documented in association with human interments pre-dating the Natufian and with a particular suite of grave goods. Analysis of the human and animal bones and their associated artefacts provides critical data on the nature and timing of these newly-developing relationships between people and animals prior to the appearance of domesticated dogs in the Natufian.     

Trauma and violence in the Wari empire of the Peruvian Andes: warfare, raids, and ritual fights

This study examines bioarchaeological evidence for violence during the period of Wari imperialism in the Peruvian Andes through analysis of skeletal trauma from three populations dating to AD 650-800. The samples are from contemporaneous archaeological sites: Conchopata, a Wari heartland site in central highland Peru; Beringa, a community of commoners in the Majes valley of the southern Wari hinterland; and La Real, a high status mortuary site, also in the Majes valley. Given the expansionist nature of Wari and its military-related iconography and weaponry, it is hypothesized that Wari imperialism was concomitant with greater levels of violence relative to other prehispanic groups in the Andes. It is also hypothesized that differential articulation with the Wari empire (e.g., heartland vs. hinterland groups) affected the frequency and patterning of trauma. Results show that cranial trauma frequency of the three Wari era samples is significantly greater than several other Andean skeletal populations. This suggests that Wari rule was associated with high levels of violence, though it may not have always been related to militarism. The three adult samples show similar frequencies of cranial trauma (Conchopata = 26%; Beringa = 33%; La Real = 31%). This may suggest that differential positioning in the Wari empire had little effect on exposure to violence. Sex-based differences in cranial trauma frequencies are present only at La Real, but wound patterning differs between the sexes: females display more wounds on the posterior of the cranium, while males show more on the anterior. These data suggest that Wari rule may have contributed to violence.     

Rare mtDNA haplogroups and genetic differences in rich and poor Danish Iron-Age villages

The Roman Iron‐Age (0–400 AD) in Southern Scandinavia was a formative period, where the society changed from archaic chiefdoms to a true state formation, and the population composition has likely changed in this period due to immigrants from Middle Scandinavia. We have analyzed mtDNA from 22 individuals from two different types of settlements, Bøgebjerggård and Skovgaarde, in Southern Denmark. Bøgebjerggård (ca. 0 AD) represents the lowest level of free, but poor farmers, whereas Skovgaarde 8 km to the east (ca. 200–270 AD) represents the highest level of the society. Reproducible results were obtained for 18 subjects harboring 17 different haplotypes all compatible (in their character states) with the phylogenetic tree drawn from present day populations of Europe. This indicates that the South Scandinavian Roman Iron‐Age population was as diverse as Europeans are today. Several of the haplogroups (R0a, U2, I) observed in Bøgebjerggård are rare in present day Scandinavians. Most significantly, R0a, harbored by a male, is a haplogroup frequent in East Africa and Arabia but virtually absent among modern Northern Europeans. We suggest that this subject was a soldier or a slave, or a descendant of a female slave, from Roman Legions stationed a few hundred kilometers to the south. In contrast, the haplotype distribution in the rich Skovgaarde shows similarity to that observed for modern Scandinavians, and the Bøgebjerggård and Skovgaarde population samples differ significantly (P ≈ 0.01). Skovgaarde may represent a new upper‐class formed by migrants from Middle Scandinavia bringing with them Scandinavian haplogroups. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2008. © 2007 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Bone fractures as indicators of intentional violence in the eastern adriatic from the antique to the late medieval period (2nd-16th century AD)

To test the historically documented hypothesis of a general increase in deliberate violence in the eastern Adriatic from the antique (AN; 2nd–6th c.) through the early medieval (EM; 7th–11th c.) to the late‐medieval period (LM; 12th–16th c.), an analysis of the frequency and patterning of bone trauma was conducted in three skeletal series from these time periods. A total of 1,125 adult skeletons—346 from the AN, 313 from the EM, and 466 from the LM series—were analyzed. To differentiate between intentional violence and accidental injuries, data for trauma frequencies were collected for the complete skeleton, individual long bones, and the craniofacial region as well as by type of injury (perimortem vs. antemortem). The results of our analyses show a significant temporal increase in total fracture frequencies when calculated by skeleton as well as of individuals exhibiting one skeletal indicator of deliberate violence (sharp force lesions, craniofacial injuries, “parry” fractures, or perimortem trauma). No significant temporal increases were, however, noted in the frequencies of craniofacial trauma, “parry” fractures, perimortem injuries, or of individuals exhibiting multiple skeletal indicators of intentional violence. Cumulatively, these data suggest that the temporal increase in total fracture frequencies recorded in the eastern Adriatic was caused by a combination of factors that included not only an increase of intentional violence but also a significant change in lifestyle that accompanied the transition from a relatively affluent AN urban lifestyle to a more primitive rural medieval way of life. Am J Phys Anthropol 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Warfare related trauma at Orendorf, a middle Mississippian site in west-central Illinois

Skeletal evidence of nonritual interpersonal trauma in the central Illinois valley is currently limited to the terminal prehistoric period in the region. Sixteen percent of the entire Norris Farms Oneota skeletal sample died violently, presumably because they intruded upon small groups of Mississippians who had not yet abandoned the region. Archaeological evidence of palisades, however, suggests that the region was embroiled in conflict before the Oneota arrived though the skeletal evidence supporting more than ritualized or geographically sporadic cases of scalping or embedded projectiles has been elusive. This study examines the frequency and nature of interpersonal trauma at Orendorf, a Middle Mississippian (AD 1150-1250) site at the northern periphery of the region. Nine percent (N = 25) of all 268 individuals documented at Orendorf suffered warfare-related trauma, including 13 cases of scalping, six instances of decapitation, five individuals with healed cranial blunt force trauma, three projectile point impacts, and eight cases of projectile injuries inferred by the burial context. All of the traumatized individuals were at or above the age of 15 years and males and females were victimized equally. The trauma rate among adults is 16%, which is less than that of the Norris Farms Oneota (34%) but higher than other Mississippian groups in the Southeast. The nature of the injuries is more consistent with attacks by outsiders than codified or ritualized intragroup violence.