Beyond the state: policing precariousness in South Africa and Palestine/Israel

This short comment on Loïc Wacquant's ‘Marginality, Ethnicity, and Penality’ begins by highlighting three of Wacquant's most important interventions. It then extends the analysis by drawing on research about urban marginality in South Africa and Palestine/Israel. Whereas Wacquant focuses on the state response to urban marginality, I suggest that it is important to look beyond the state to consider how other actors have responded to the growth of precarious populations. Specifically, I point out that private security companies and residents' associations are at the forefront of efforts to police poor black South Africans, while an imperial network of security forces polices the Palestinian precariat.     

The politics of ethnic identity: Comparing South Africa

South Africa represents a microcosm of major global conflicts. This laboratory of polyethnic group relations may well teach the rest of the world a lesson of multiracial coexistence and a bridging of extreme class distinctions through pragmatic development policies. Above all, a ‘negotiated revolution’ now promises peaceful nation‐building in a divided society, previously riddled with political violence. The remarkable democratic transformation has led to a substantial decline of politically‐motivated killings so far, although criminal violence has risen. The democratic transition rests partially on the skilful management of racial and ethnic perceptions. Non‐racialism as the core ideology of the new state elicits different expectations and meanings among various segments, differentially privileged and indoctrinated by more than four decades of apartheid. A general theoretical and comparative interpretation of ethnicity sheds light on the legitimacy of competing claims and assesses their prospects and character in light of experiences elsewhere.

Support for Mandela's non‐racial reconciliation remains as soft as the electorate's rejection of the Africanist‐nationalist Pan African Congress could be temporary. As the ANC government is likely to disappoint some high expectations of its constituency and has itself joined the gravy train through extraordinary high salaries for the new officials on the public payroll, the temptation simmers to use populist racial rhetoric. However, as long as government shortcomings are shielded by Mandela's charisma and high approval rate among all population groups, racial antagonisms will be dampened by the desire to succeed economically in an inextricably interdependent consumer society.     

Nationalism,development, and social policy: The politics of nation-building in sub-Saharan Africa

This article examines the relationship between nation-building and social policy in post-independence sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). It argues that post-independence nationalist leaders used health, housing, and education programmes to foster a sense of national unity that would transcend the existing ethnic divisions created by the arbitrary drawing of state boundaries during colonization. Yet, in SSA, the neo-liberal turn of the 1980s favoured the decline of state-level integration and solidarity, which helped trigger territorial mobilization and fragmentation. As a consequence, the politics of welfare retrenchment in SSA does more than simply reduce benefits and increase inequalities; it also potentially weakens national unity.     

Duodenal ulcer and working-class mobility in an African population in South Africa.

The number of Africans in Johannesburg presenting with duodenal ulcers has steadily increased over the past 50 years. The characteristics of 105 patients with duodenal ulcer who presented a Baragwanath Hospital were compared with those of matched and unmatched samples of patients without gastrointestinal conditions in the same hospital. Men with duodenal ulcers were found to be significantly better educated than their controls, most had been born in the town, and more of them were employed at higher, though not the highest, educational levels. These data were used to test Susser''s proposition that duodenal ulcers are associated with "early urbanisation." Johannesburg blacks with duodenal ulcer did seem to fit the pattern, but the relation between stress and duodenal ulcer remains unclear.     

The grant is what I eat: the politics of social security and disability in the post-apartheid South African state

In South Africa, disability grant allocation has been under review and tensions are evident in government rhetoric stressing welfare provision on the one hand, and encouraging 'rationalization' on the other. This ambiguity is traced down to the level of grant negotiations between doctors and 'clients' in a psychiatry clinic in Khayelitsha. Here 'having nerves' embodies the distress associated with harsh circumstances and is deemed by supplicants as sufficient to secure a grant. The paper illustrates how national discourses influence the presentation and experience of suffering and the way in which doctors mediate diagnoses. The implications of local understandings of 'health citizenship' for expectations of the post-apartheid state are explored.     

Ethical,legal and social implications of forensic molecular phenotyping in South Africa

Conventional forensic DNA analysis involves a matching principle, which compares DNA profiles from evidential samples to those from reference samples of known origin. In casework, however, the accessibility to a reference sample is not guaranteed which limits the use of DNA as an investigative tool. This has led to the development of phenotype prediction, which uses SNP analysis to estimate the physical appearance of the sample donor. Physical traits, such as eye, hair and skin colour, have been associated with certain alleles within specific genes involved in the melanogenesis pathways. These genetic markers are also associated with ancestry and their trait prediction ability has mainly been assessed in European and North American populations. This has prompted research investigating the discriminatory power of these markers in other populations, especially those exhibiting admixture. South Africa is well known for its diversity, and the viability of these particular SNPs still needs to be assessed within this population. South African law currently restricts the use of DNA for molecular phenotyping, and there are also numerous ethical and social considerations, all of which are discussed.     

On being ethnic: The politics of identity breaking and making in Canada,or, Nevra on Sunday

The creation of ethnically sensitive health care is a major federal and provincial government concern in Canada at present. The concept of multiculturalism is used to reinforce the notion of rights for minority groups and the Canadian mozaic is explicitly contrasted with the American melting pot. In this paper, the lives of Greek immigrant women in Montreal are used to illustrate how class and gender are as relevant to the immigrant experience as is ethnicity. It is shown how values which were central to female identity in Greece can become a liability after immigration and how the notion of Greek identity in Canada is a fluid category which is subject to repeated transformations. It is suggested that medical anthropologists who ignore the complexity of social categories and whose focus is limited to the cultural construction of illness and the expression of distress are in danger of reinforcing a notion of the quaint ethnic, a stereotype to which the concept of multiculturalism is often reduced.

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Résumé La création de services de santé sensibles aux besoins des différents groupes ethniques est présentement un socci majeur des gouvernements fédéral et provincial au Canada. Le concept de multiculturalisme est utilisé pour renforcer I'idée des droits des groupes minoritaires et la mosaïque canadienne est explicitement contrastée avec the American melting pot. Dans cet exposé, j'utilise la vie des femmes immigrantes grecques à Montréal pour démontrer que la classe et le sexe sont aussi pertinent par rapport à l'expérience des immigrants que l'ethnicité. On montre de quelle façon les valeurs qui sont centrales à l'identité féminine en Grèce peuvent en venir à constituer un problème après l'immigration et comment la notion d'identité grecque au Canada est une catégorie fluide qui est sujette à de multiples transformations. On suggère que les anthropologues médicaux qui ne tiennent pas compte de la complexité des catégories sociales et dont le centre d'intérêt est limité à la cultural construction of illness et à l'expression of distress courent le danger de renforcer la notion de quaint ethnic, un stéréotype auquel le concept de multiculturalisme se trouve souvent réduit. Notes 1 See, for example, Low 1985; Davis 1989; Dunk 1989; Guarnaccia et al. 1989; Van Schaik 1989. 2 Data for this study were obtained initially from eighty-three fast generation Greek immigrant women living in Montreal who were given semi-structured interviews in Greek in their homes. It became apparent in the course of carrying out these interviews that the concept of nevra was central in the narratives given by virtually all of the respondents. This term was inevitably used to link environmental and psychosocial variables to distress and painful physical states. In the second phase of the research, 19 of the original women were selected for in-depth open-ended interviews during which the concept of nevra was discussed in detail. A further data set was obtained from twenty five women who were interviewed in the office of a Greek Canadian general practitioner and 15 more attending a poly-clinic in a Montreal teaching hospital. These interviews were carried out in order to establish if nevra is used as a presenting complaint in clinical settings, and if so, how it is managed by health care professionals. Several internists, psychiatrists, family and general practitioners, and social workers who have daily contact with Greek patients were also interviewed.

     

Small mammal seed consumption in the Karoo,South Africa: further evidence for divergence in desert biotic processes

Summary Annual seed consumption by a small mammal community in the semi-arid Karoo, South Africa, was calculated using population, biomass and dietary estimates and published estimates of field metabolic rate. The community comprised a macroscelid elephant shrew Macroscelides proboscideus, and two rodents Gerbillurus paeba and Desmodillus auricularis. Only G. paeba consumed seed during the study, and then in low amounts (annual mean = 0.4% of diet, insects = 53%, herbage = 47%), with M. proboscideus and D. auriocularis consuming mainly insects (88%) and herbage (90%), respectively. Energy requirements for the G. paeba population averaged 568 kJ ha^–1 day^–1. Total seed consumption was estimated to be 140 g ha^–1, or 155 000 seeds ha^–1 which represents 0.5% of the annual seed production for this site. These levels of granivory by small mammals are significantly lower than those recorded for North American deserts, and raises the question as to why granivory varies between these systems. These findings also refute the hypothesis that as a result of the harshness and similarity of physical conditions in deserts, the properties of desert communities are convergent.     

Make Afrikaners great again! National populism,democracy and the new white minority politics in post-apartheid South Africa

This article on national populism in South Africa brings a view from the South to scholarship overwhelmingly concentrated on the north Atlantic and European world. While in white majority contexts, national populism seeks to capture formal political power, the white minority’s lack of political leverage in post-apartheid South Africa sees an assertion of white autonomy emerge in the civil society arena. The article examines the discursive strategies of the Solidarity Movement, a broad-based social movement which claims to represent the white minority, particularly white Afrikaans-speakers, amid black majority rule. It shows how through a reinvention of the past, recasting of race, and reformulation of nationalist narratives by neoliberal logics the Movement discursively undermines black majority rule, and seeks to create spaces in which white privilege, power and identities are maintained. These findings provide new insights into the relation between populism and democracy, and hold important lessons for the increasingly multicultural global North.