Profane Intuitions: Kurdish Diaspora in the Turkish City

Contemporary analysis of the ‘Kurdish question’ in Turkey has often enough noted the recent explosion of Kurdish refugees and immigrants to the major Turkish cities. Interest in the re‐constitution of Kurdish identity in the metropolis, however, has been less evident. This article seeks to identify some of the main themes that need to be addressed in any such investigation. It begins by arguing that discourse on the ‘Kurdish question’ often frames the Kurds, rather than the Turkish state, as the problem. The response of the Turkish Republic to such a problem has been to assimilate the Kurds. The struggle against assimilation then is the common theme binding the multiple visions and experiences of the Kurdish diaspora.     

Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question

This article addresses the ways in which Turkish nationalism has perceived the Kurdish question. It is shown that both Turkish nationalism and the Kurdish question have passed through some paradigmatic moments in the twentieth century. This, I argue, has shaped the way that the Kurdish question has been perceived by Turkish nationalism. While the Kurdish question had been seen by Turkish nationalism mostly in terms of a fatal rivalry between the backward, pre-modern and tribal past and the prosperous present in the first half of the century, it was perceived in terms of a tension between the peripheral economy and national market in the fifties and sixties. In the 1970s, the Kurdish unrest was believed to be a product of communist incitement. Despite this impurity in perception, one thing has remained nearly unchanged for Turkish nationalism: Kurds could become Turkish. In other words, Turkish nationalism of the republican era has principally perceived Kurds as future-Turks. However, the signs in circulation at present indicate that the confidence of Turkish nationalism as to Kurds’ potential of becoming Turkish is not as firm as it used to be. At present, Turkish nationalism seems to be getting prepared to abandon its contention that Kurds are future-Turks.     

Support for Kurdish language rights in Turkey: the roles of ethnic group,group identifications,contact, and intergroup perceptions

The question of Kurdish language rights has been a central issue in the Turkish–Kurdish conflict. The current study examined endorsement of Kurdish language rights in relation to intergroup factors (i.e. group identifications, cross-group friendships, perceived discrimination, and perceived out-group beliefs about state unity) among self-identified Turkish and Kurdish participants. The results indicate that Turks were much less in favour of these rights than the Kurds. In addition, for the Turks, higher national and ethnic identification were associated with lower support for Kurdish language rights, while cross-group friendship, perceived discrimination of Kurds and the belief that Kurds endorse national unity were associated with more support for rights. For the Kurdish participants, stronger national identification seems to undermine the mobilizing meaning that Kurdish group identification has for language rights support. Furthermore, friendship with Turks can undermine the support for rights because it strengthens national identification and reduces ethnic identification.     

The racialization of Kurdish identity in Turkey

Until the 1990s, the Kurdish issue in Turkey largely involved the Turkish state, an ethnic group and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). The 2000s witnessed community-level clashes between Kurds and Turks, signalling the Turkish population's rise as an actor in the issue. This paper makes two claims. First, communal clashes indicate that Kurdish identity is not an ethnic identity alone, but is experiencing a racialization process, based on four indicators: emphasis on physical characteristics in the definitions of Kurds; linking Kurdish identity with the absence of certain moral characteristics; the increasing assignment, rather than self-assertion, of Kurdish identity; and discourses of racial extinction. Second, the racialization of Kurdish identity corresponds to historical change in conceptions of diversity. Racialization became possible after a distinct Kurdish identity was recognized but normatively unwelcomed.     

Unheard voices: state-making and popular participation in post-Ottoman Iraq

I explore the nature of the particular nation state form that came into being in Iraq during the British Mandate, and in particular its impact on minorities. The Mandate government, and the broader international legal framework, structured state–minority relations in post-Ottoman Iraq in ways that continue to shape Iraqi politics. While sociocultural differences in Iraqi society were given constitutional recognition, this did not lead to the effective protection of minority rights, primarily because the principle of popular participation was not respected. The Mandate legacy in Iraq has been long-lasting, as the mistakes of the past have been reproduced by postcolonial regimes, and thus the state–minority relationship has been locked in a loop of exclusionary politics and securitization.     

Minority politics in the Middle East and North Africa: the prospects for transformative change

This special issue explores the prospects for what Jacob Mundy calls ‘transformative minority politics’ in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region – that is, a form of minority politics that strengthens democratic reform in the region, and that helps deepen a culture of human rights and democratic citizenship. The cases examined in the special issue include the Amazigh in North Africa, the Copts in Egypt, the Kurds in Iraq, the Palestinians in Israel, the ‘minoritarian’ regimes in Syria and Bahrain, and the various ethnic minorities in Iran. In this introduction, we try to situate this debate in a larger historical and international context, identifying some of the factors that might help support a new transformative minority politics in the region, while also emphasizing the factors that have inhibited it in the past, and why they remain powerful.     

The Y chromosome pool of Jews as part of the genetic landscape of the Middle East

A sample of 526 Y chromosomes representing six Middle Eastern populations (Ashkenazi, Sephardic, and Kurdish Jews from Israel; Muslim Kurds; Muslim Arabs from Israel and the Palestinian Authority Area; and Bedouin from the Negev) was analyzed for 13 binary polymorphisms and six microsatellite loci. The investigation of the genetic relationship among three Jewish communities revealed that Kurdish and Sephardic Jews were indistinguishable from one another, whereas both differed slightly, yet significantly, from Ashkenazi Jews. The differences among Ashkenazim may be a result of low-level gene flow from European populations and/or genetic drift during isolation. Admixture between Kurdish Jews and their former Muslim host population in Kurdistan appeared to be negligible. In comparison with data available from other relevant populations in the region, Jews were found to be more closely related to groups in the north of the Fertile Crescent (Kurds, Turks, and Armenians) than to their Arab neighbors. The two haplogroups Eu 9 and Eu 10 constitute a major part of the Y chromosome pool in the analyzed sample. Our data suggest that Eu 9 originated in the northern part, and Eu 10 in the southern part of the Fertile Crescent. Genetic dating yielded estimates of the expansion of both haplogroups that cover the Neolithic period in the region. Palestinian Arabs and Bedouin differed from the other Middle Eastern populations studied here, mainly in specific high-frequency Eu 10 haplotypes not found in the non-Arab groups. These chromosomes might have been introduced through migrations from the Arabian Peninsula during the last two millennia. The present study contributes to the elucidation of the complex demographic history that shaped the present-day genetic landscape in the region.     

Phylogeography,genetic diversity and demographic history of the Iranian Kurdish groups based on mtDNA sequences

Throughout the history of modern humans, the current Kurdish-inhabited area has served as part of a tricontinental crossroad for major human migrations. Also, a significant body of archaeological evidence points to this area as the site of Neolithic transition. To investigate the phylogeography, origins and demographic history, mtDNA D-loop region of individuals representing four Kurdish groups from Iran were analysed. Our data indicated that most of the Kurds mtDNA lineages belong to branches of the haplogroups with the Western Eurasian origin; with small fractions of the Eastern Eurasian and sub-Saharan African lineages. The low level of mtDNA diversity observed in the Havrami group presented a bias towards isolation or increased drift due to small population size; while in the Kurmanji group it indicated a bias towards drift or mass migration events during the 5–18th century AD. The Mantel test showed strong isolation by distance, and AMOVA results for global and regional scales confirmed that the geography had acted as the main driving force in shaping the current pattern of mtDNA diversity, rather than linguistic similarity. The results of demographic analyses, in agreement with archaeological data, revealed a recent expansion of the Kurds (～9,500 years before present) related to the Neolithic transition from hunting and gathering, to farming and cattle breeding in the Near East. Further, the high frequencies of typical haplogroups for early farmers (H; 37.1%) and hunter-gatherers (U; 13.8%) in the Kurds may testify the earlier hunter-gatherers in the Kurdish-inhabited area that adopted and admixed the Kurds ancestors following the Neolithic transition.     

Pteropyrum naufelum (Polygonaceae), a new species from Iraq

Pteropyrum naufelum , a new species from Iraq, is described and illustrated. It is based on specimens collected in 1962 near the Iraqi boarder.     

‘[Not] talking like a Motorola’: mobile phone practices and politics of masking and unmasking in postcolonial Kinshasa

The expression ‘talking like a Motorola’ (koloba lokola Motorola) was long used during the reign of President Mobutu in the Democratic Republic of Congo/Zaïre to indicate the undesired disclosure of information. It manifests the perception of many Kinois (inhabitants of Kinshasa) that the Motorola handset was only deployed by Mobutu's secret service agents in order to detect and report critics of the regime. Today, mobile phones are no longer the preserve of political agents. Nearly everybody can have one. The idiom is thus outdated. Yet other lines between ‘what can be said [over the phone]’ and ‘what cannot be said’ are being drawn in Kinshasa's political society. Indeed, transformations in practices of secrecy, concealment, and, their counterpart, the divulging of information – all three significant axes of the production of power and contestation of authority – are key, both in state actions and in strategies of civil society. In this article, I attempt to locate the mobile phone within Kinshasa's political society, and analyse how relations to the Congolese state are articulated through the politics of cell phone technology and uses of the handset.     

Some reflections on ‘entrepreneur‐ship’ and the Chinese community of a west Malaysian market town*

Ethnographic and historical data on Chinese in a West Malaysian market town are employed in a critique of conventional views of ‘entrepreneurship’. On the basis of an analysis of operation of family firms and relations between employers and employees in the town's truck transport industry, and in view of the contemporary political economy of Malaysia, it is argued that the reigning concept of ‘entrepreneurship’ should be deconstructed into its constituent elements ‐ risk‐taking, innovation, property ownership, etc. It is concluded that past generalizations about Chinese ‘entrepreneurship’ are anachronous, given the present dominance of oligopoly capitalism in Malaysia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia.     

Toward a Healthier Iraq

Health care in Iraq is the sector most influenced by variables such as political, cultural, social, and economic environments. The current status of national security, the deterioration of infrastructure, difficulty in accessing clean water and sewage services in some areas, and the national levels of poverty, malnutrition, and social fragility are all factors that negatively affect the health of the Iraqi people [1].There is a real need for a solid national health policy that is able to match the available resources against the health needs of a growing population, as provided in the Constitution of Iraq and National Development Plan, and oriented to a set of strategies and objectives that can drive development of the Iraqi health sector in the future [2].Establishment of a fair and comprehensive national health system requires sustainable commitment to this policy by all stakeholders and partners in order to focus efforts and achieve synergy in the optimal investment of available resources and to provide health care services and attain maximum effectiveness and efficiency of systemic response to the health needs of the Iraqi people and society.     

The ethnic question in an environment of insecurity: the Kurds in Turkey

This article examines the effect that a poor structural context, what we term an "environment of insecurity", has on the Kurdish ethnic nationalist mobilization in Turkey. The empirical evidence for this analysis is based on data from the 1993 Turkish Demographic and Health Survey [TDHS]. The data provide, to the best of our knowledge, the first reliable and representative figures on the situation of Kurds in Turkey. Our key claim is that the Kurdish population in Turkey is relatively much worse off than the Turkish population in the country. This claim is strongly supported by the data. Many other factors also account for the ethnic nationalist mobilization, but we argue that the Turkish Kurds' environment of insecurity, materially and non-materially, stands out as a key package of both causal and intermediate variables behind the ethnic revival.     

The aesthetics of ‘time reckoning’: a Guna chromatic history★

This is a study of time and aesthetics through an ethnographic analysis of an indigenous visual system. Looking at historical changes in women's clothing and village patterns among Guna people (Panama), the article shows that images and artefacts are key to shedding light on indigenous historicities. Core visual and material processes encapsulate and manifest biographical and group time. By the same token, such processes provide a privileged perspective to consider how present-day social relations are the product of long-term historical transformations. The analysis draws on the relatively overlooked notion of ‘chromatism’ developed by Lévi-Strauss and subsequently elaborated by Lima as ‘chromatic sociality’. It proposes that ‘chromatism’ is an indigenous category that allows for reckoning with the passing of time and the shifting circumstances of history.     

The state as a whiteman,the whiteman as a /’hun: personhood,recognition, and the politics of knowability in the Kalahari

The article is dedicated to the loving memory of !A|’xuni.

The Ju|’hoansi of east central Namibia sometimes refer to the state as a whiteman and to the whiteman as a /’hun (steenbok). In this article, I contextualize these naming practices by tracing the history of colonial encounters on the fringes of the Western Kalahari through a small-scale animist perspective. I then discuss what this means for the concept of ‘recognition’, which I treat as a two-way intersubjective process of making oneself un/knowable to others. I argue that the Ju|’hoansi have engaged in parallel processes of mis/recognition vis-à-vis their colonial Others. By failing to enter into reciprocal relations with the Ju|’hoansi, the whiteman and the state have remained outside of the Ju|’hoansi's social universe and have thus compromised their own personhood.     

The specificity of medical facts: the case of diabetology

The fact that Ludwik Fleck drew his inspiration from medicine has been largely overlooked, with the exception of a few scholars. Although Fleck considered his ideas applicable to all sciences, he always insisted on the specificity of medicine. To illustrate the usefulness of Fleck’s concepts for the history of medicine, three main ideas developed by Fleck are applied to the historical study of diabetes mellitus (DM): first, that different and often divergent pictures of disease coexist within a given culture; second, that scientific ideas circulate between ‘esoteric’ and ‘exoteric’ circles; and third, that scientific concepts are often incommensurable. The author also suggests that Fleck’s epistemology, like other scholars’, is loaded with ethical and political consequences. However, the link between an ‘open’ epistemology and political or ethical questions is more explicit in Georges Canguilhem’s pioneering work on the normal and the pathological (1943). Indeed, Canguilhem and Fleck’s conceptions of disease have much in common, so that we can use Canguilhem’s work to bring out the hidden ethical and political issues in Fleck’s work.     

Refusing to Sing: Gender,Kinship and Patriliny in Macedonia

The issue of whether formal kinship structures and sentiments reflect the reality of social relations was of particular concern to specialists at the height of the kinship debates in the 1960s and 1970s, as it continues to be in some contemporary studies. So too, the classifications ‘patrilineal’ or ‘matrilineal’ have clearly been shown to be problematic given that there are multiple levels of discourse and relational and ideational realities in any given society. For many contemporary kinship specialists in fact no simple correlation can be made between type of descent system and actual social relations, especially relations between men and women. However, some anthropologists continue to argue that patrilineal kinship systems are somehow indicative of control or domination by men or, put inversely, of women's lack of power and authority. It is argued in this paper that even where the formal kinship structures and ideological discourses are dominated by agnation as appears to be the case in south Slav societies generally, and Macedonian in particular, this is not automatically mirrored in gender relations between men and women. In short, there is a long leap from patriliny to patriarchy.     

Phosphorus and nitrogen co-limitation of forest ground vegetation under elevated anthropogenic nitrogen deposition

Amino acid nitrogen isotopic analysis is a relatively new method for estimating trophic position. It uses the isotopic difference between an individual’s ‘trophic’ and ‘source’ amino acids to determine its trophic position. So far, there is no accepted explanation for the mechanism by which the isotopic signals in ‘trophic’ and ‘source’ amino acids arise. Yet without a metabolic understanding, the utility of nitrogen isotopic analyses as a method for probing trophic relations, at either bulk tissue or amino acid level, is limited. I draw on isotopic tracer studies of protein metabolism, together with a consideration of amino acid metabolic pathways, to suggest that the ‘trophic’/‘source’ groupings have a fundamental metabolic origin, to do with the cycling of amino-nitrogen between amino acids. ‘Trophic’ amino acids are those whose amino-nitrogens are interchangeable, part of a metabolic amino-nitrogen pool, and ‘source’ amino acids are those whose amino-nitrogens are not interchangeable with the metabolic pool. Nitrogen isotopic values of ‘trophic’ amino acids will reflect an averaged isotopic signal of all such dietary amino acids, offset by the integrated effect of isotopic fractionation from nitrogen cycling, and modulated by metabolic and physiological effects. Isotopic values of ‘source’ amino acids will be more closely linked to those of equivalent dietary amino acids, but also modulated by metabolism and physiology. The complexity of nitrogen cycling suggests that a single identifiable value for ‘trophic discrimination factors’ is unlikely to exist. Greater consideration of physiology and metabolism should help in better understanding observed patterns in nitrogen isotopic values.     

Gypsies,Celts and tinkers: Colonial antecedents of anti‐traveller racism in Ireland

Post‐colonial nationalist ideologies and practices construct an Irish Republic free of ‘ethnicity’ and ‘racism’. The ethnicization of the Irish Travelling People ('itinerants’, ‘tinkers') and the existence of anti‐traveller racism, however, reveal the limitations of this construction. This article focuses upon the antecedents of anti‐traveller ideologies by concentrating on the period that preceded Irish independence in 1922. The history of Irish itinerancy from the middle ages to the mid‐nineteenth century is first described and located within the context of British colonialism. This is followed by a consideration of scholarly, literary and popular representations of ‘tinkers’ during the late nineteenth century. Three interelated discourses, those of the British Gypsylorists, the Anglo‐Irish Celtic Literary Revivalists, and the folklore of the Irish peasantry, are described and linked to British imperialism, Irish cultural nationalism, and agrarian class relations respectively. It is argued that an analysis of these discourses, grounded in political economy, provides a useful historical context for analyses of more recent constructions of Travellers that have arisen in the course of struggles over a state settlement programme initiated in the 1960s. Through documentation and analysis of historical constructions of Travelling People, especially constructions of their origins, this article aims to challenge contemporary essentialist constructions of both ethnic identity and racism by redirecting attention instead towards the economic and political processes and relations of power that produce difference and inequality within the Irish context. Such analysis can also raise broader issues regarding the existence and specificity of racism in the Irish Republic.