The potential of history textbooks and curriculum reform in Iraqi Kurdistan within a conflict transformation frame: dealing with the past from a processual and dynamic perspective

As of 2015, Kurds in Iraq remain masters of an autonomous region, considered by many as a de facto state, and important brokers within the Iraqi political arena. Prompted by these ‘gains’, many observers and researchers have been inclined to announce the imminent establishment of a Kurdish state. However, this article argues that scholars should be cautious before pronouncing a complete break between the Iraqi state and the Kurds. It shows from a processual and dynamic approach how and why scholars should go beyond the ‘assimilation versus resistance’ dichotomy in order to better grasp the relations between ‘majorities’ and ‘minorities’ in Iraq and in the Middle East, in general. Yet, acknowledging the present deadlock, it explores the conditions that may allow history textbooks to play a role in easing ethnic relations by rewriting Kurdish history. It could lead to the emergence of a new, collective, albeit multiple, Iraqi history.     

Minority politics in the Middle East and North Africa: the prospects for transformative change

This special issue explores the prospects for what Jacob Mundy calls ‘transformative minority politics’ in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region – that is, a form of minority politics that strengthens democratic reform in the region, and that helps deepen a culture of human rights and democratic citizenship. The cases examined in the special issue include the Amazigh in North Africa, the Copts in Egypt, the Kurds in Iraq, the Palestinians in Israel, the ‘minoritarian’ regimes in Syria and Bahrain, and the various ethnic minorities in Iran. In this introduction, we try to situate this debate in a larger historical and international context, identifying some of the factors that might help support a new transformative minority politics in the region, while also emphasizing the factors that have inhibited it in the past, and why they remain powerful.     

Breeding ecology of the Basra Reed Warbler,Acrocephalus griseldis,in Iraq (Aves: Passeriformes: Acrocephalidae)

The population of the Basra Reed Warbler, Acrocephalus griseldis, which has a limited range confined to the marshlands of central and southern Iraq, has declined substantially due to massive degradation of its main breeding habitat in the Iraqi marshes during the 1980s and 1990s. The breeding habitat and breeding biology is described here. We discovered a remarkable extension of the breeding range in the extreme west of Iraq.     

Susceptibility of Iraqi fresh water snails to infection with Schistosoma haematobium and Schistosoma mansoni Egyptian strains

A great number of Egyptian workers and farmers are seeking settlement in Iraq and some of them proved to have either Schistosoma Haematobium (S.h.) or Schistosoma mansoni (S.m) or even mixed infection. Besides, there is the possibility that some of the Iraqi fresh water snails may prove to be susceptible to infection by one or both of the Schistosoma Egyptian strains. The present study deals with investigations on the susceptibility of Iraqi B. truncatus, Gyranaulus ehrenbergi, Physa c.f. fontinalis, Lymnea lagetis, Melanoides tuberculata and Melanopsis nodes by these parasites. Egyptian S. haematobium but not Egyptian S. mansoni infect Iraqi B. truncatus and both proved to be unable to infect any of the other snails included in the study. Yet, the number of cercariae shedded by B. truncatus snails infected with the Egyptian S. haematobium strain, was much less that the number of cercariae shedded by these snails when infected with the Iraqi S. Haematobium strain.     

Pteropyrum naufelum (Polygonaceae), a new species from Iraq

Pteropyrum naufelum , a new species from Iraq, is described and illustrated. It is based on specimens collected in 1962 near the Iraqi boarder.     

Toward a Healthier Iraq

Health care in Iraq is the sector most influenced by variables such as political, cultural, social, and economic environments. The current status of national security, the deterioration of infrastructure, difficulty in accessing clean water and sewage services in some areas, and the national levels of poverty, malnutrition, and social fragility are all factors that negatively affect the health of the Iraqi people [1].There is a real need for a solid national health policy that is able to match the available resources against the health needs of a growing population, as provided in the Constitution of Iraq and National Development Plan, and oriented to a set of strategies and objectives that can drive development of the Iraqi health sector in the future [2].Establishment of a fair and comprehensive national health system requires sustainable commitment to this policy by all stakeholders and partners in order to focus efforts and achieve synergy in the optimal investment of available resources and to provide health care services and attain maximum effectiveness and efficiency of systemic response to the health needs of the Iraqi people and society.     

Yao Minority Identity and the Location of Difference in the South China Borderlands

The place of Yao and other ethnic minorities in official museums and histories in China, Thailand, and Vietnam shows the state’s involvement in identity politics. The museumizing of minority identities tends to endorse particular markers of difference, and simultaneously conceal both the state’s role in sanctioning particular identities and the state’s suppression of the cultural and agricultural practices that previously reproduced social difference. The discursive framework of modern nation-states contrasts with the explicit exclusion of upland populations by pre-modern polities in the region, and I argue that this apparent othering was only partly about the nonstate peoples and had as much to do with tensions among levels of the state. The Yao case suggests various entanglements of ‘tribal’ identities and the state’s projects, and indicates how anthropological theorizing about ‘peoples’ systemically failed to observe the historical role of the state in bifurcating the social and natural landscape.     

Deadly contradictions: global warring theory and the Iraq war, 1991–2011

This essay presents global warring theory and explores its utility for explaining the recent USA–Iraq War. In global warring theory, imperial global warring is what is to be explained; contradiction, reproduction, security elites, and their hermeneutic politics as well as their public délires do the explaining. First, the two concepts to be explained are presented; next, those that do the explaining are discussed. The theory puts contradiction front and center in the understanding of contemporary wars, but introduces the notions of hermeneutic politics and public délires to account for how, and when, security elites respond with violence to contradiction. Finally, the theory is illustrated with reference to the recent Iraq War.     

Ethnicization and European Identity Policies: Window-Shopping with Risks

The politics of identity is a controversial and ardent topic in contemporary constitutional theory. As this paper is intended to show, East-European minority politics may provide an interesting angle to the study of this sensitive and complicated issue. The dilemma is the following: It is the Murphy-law of prejudice that when it comes to the maltreatment of members of various ethnic groups no serious definitional or recognition-difficulties arise. It is because when it comes to discrimination or ethnic hostility, it is always the daily practice of the majority that will define membership in the discrete and insular minority group. Defining qualification requirements therefore to minority groups seems to pose difficulties only in the context of minority-identity based preferences. This anomaly is however more then of theoretical jurisprudential interest, as in some cases the entire effectiveness of the aimed minority protection schemes may depend thereon. It is fearful that having a post-communist mentality towards state policies with an ethnicized system of preferences, due to the lack of political cultural and public moral restraints, these preferences will simply be seen as services provided by the (alienated, thus for no sympathy or co-operation eligible) state. What seems to be in the centerfold of East European minority politics is thus “ethnocorruption”, that is the utilizing and misusing of remedial measures for private and from the legislator's intentions independent means. In this paper, following a constitutional semantical analysis of the minority identity,the demons of ethnocorrpution will be demonstrated through a comparative assessment of a case study of a Hungarian legislation and its possible progeny.     

Coetzee, Agamben, and the Passion of Abu Ghraib

In this article, I address J. M. Coetzee's chapter "The Problem of Evil" in Elizabeth Costello (2003); specifically, I discuss the danger of texts that attempt to represent evil letting loose that evil in the world. This insight is pushed by connecting it to the problem of sovereignty as put forth in Agamben's Homo Sacer (1998). To demonstrate the connection of evil and sovereignty, three different sets of images are analyzed that circulated in the global public sphere in 2004: frames from the Mel Gibson movie, The Passion of the Christ (2004); pictures of the abuse and torture of Iraqi prisoners from Abu Ghraib; and beheading videos of U.S. citizens and other nationals working for the U.S.-led occupation forces in Iraq. Different explanations have been given for their circulation, but it is argued, following Agamben's notion of "homo sacer," that they are contestations over sovereignty of Iraq and more widely of the Middle East.     

Tribal hands and minority votes: ethnicity,regionalism and elections in Iran

Ethnic politics is a serious domestic challenge in Iran. Non-Persian communities are mobilizing to claim their rights and to demand representation in a system that activists claim is biased against minorities and the peripheral regions. Yet the inner workings of contemporary Iranian ethnic politics are largely understudied. This article explores recent evolutions in the role that ethnicity, regionalism and tribalism plays in Iranian domestic politics. It focuses on how these interconnected factors figured in the 2013 presidential and local council elections in Iran in a particular province that has a history of ethnic tensions. Incidentally, these elections brought Hassan Rouhani, a moderate cleric, to power as president. Among his electoral promises was to end the securitization of the minority issue. This article illustrates some of the barriers to a transformative ethnic politics – barriers that political leaders will have to overcome to enact real change.     

Ethnic conflict and the United Nations

The United Nations [UN] is an organization of states. As such it can be expected to represent the interests of its members and uphold a state‐centric view of international politics. For this reason it has been suggested that the organization cannot respond positively to ethnic conflicts within states, or across state borders. However, since such ethnic conflicts can be a threat to international peace and security and to internationally accepted norms of behaviour, the UN cannot always remain indifferent. In fact, it has become involved in ethnic conflicts in several ways. It has dispatched peace‐keeping operations to Cyprus and Lebanon, which try to keep apart the warring factions. The UN has been involved in peace‐making in ethnic conflicts through mediation and Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. It has also engaged in peace‐building, which involves efforts to change both socio‐economic conditions and the mutually hostile attitudes of the parties to violent ethnic conflict. Finally, even though the UN, unlike the League of Nations, has not been prepared to adopt a system of minority‐rights protection, it has been involved in the issue of group rights in at least three areas. These are the Genocide Convention, the work of the Sub‐Commission for the Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minorities, and the issue of the right of national self‐determination.     

Desmids of the Basrah District,South Iraq

79 taxa of desmids belongig to 17 genera were observed in 17 samples collected from several parts in Basrah district, South Iraq. 3 genera viz. Actinotaenium, Docidium and Spondylosum, and 41 taxa are new records for Iraqi waters. Distribution of taxa in the area studied as well as in the whole country (when available) are given. Some slight morphological variations in desmids were observed due to the alkaline nature of water.     

Habitat suitability and connectivity implications for the conservation of the Persian leopard along the Iran–Iraq border

Habitat fragmentation has major negative impacts on wildlife populations, and the connectivity could reduce these negative impacts. This study was conducted to assess habitat suitability and structural connectivity of the Persian leopard along the Iran–Iraq border (i.e., the Zagros Mountains) and compare the situation of identified core habitats and connectivity with existing conservation areas (CAs). An ensemble modeling approach resulting from five models was used to predict habitat suitability. To identify core habitats and corridors along the Iran–Iraq border, factorial least‐cost path analyses were applied. The results revealed that topographic roughness, distance to CAs, annual precipitation, vegetation/cropland density, and distance to rivers were the most influential variables for predicting the occurrence of the Persian leopard in the study area. By an estimated dispersal distance of 82 km (suggested by previous studies), three core habitats were identified (two cores in Iran and one core in Iraq). The largest cores were located in the south and the center of the study area, which had the highest connectivity priorities. The connectivity from these cores was maintained to the core within the Iraqi side. Only about one‐fifth of detected core habitats and relative corridors were protected by CAs in the study area. Detected core habitats and connectivity areas in this study could be an appropriate road map to accomplish the CAs network along the Iran–Iraq border regarding Persian leopard conservation. Establishing transboundary CAs, particularly in the core habitat located in the center of the study area, is strongly recommended to conserve existing large carnivores, including the Persian leopard.     

Ethnic communities in Israel: The genetic blood markers of the Babylonian Jews

One hundred eighty-eight Jewish individuals who either they or whose both parents were born in Iraq were typed for 7 blood groups (ABO, MNS, Rh, Kell, Duffy, P and Kidd), 12 red cell enzyme systems and 2 serum proteins. Iraqi Jews are characterized by a high frequency of A (in ABO), N (in MNS), low cde (Rh) and low Hp-1. Several rare electrophoretic variants were encountered: PGM₁ 6-1, PHI 3-1 and PHI 2-1, and an unidentified AK phenotype. No evidence of Negroid admixture was found in their gene pool. Comparisons with results previously obtained in Iraqi Jews show general similarities in frequencies while comparisons with neighboring non-Jewish populations suggest divergence in most systems investigated. The difficulties of assessing relationships on the basis of a few selected differences and the need for careful interpretations of similarities are emphasized.     

The domestic context of Brazilian maritime policy

Abstract

The domestic context of Brazil's emerging maritime policy is discussed from three perspectives. Basic national policy guidelines are examined first, with particular attention given to their, influence in shaping maritime policy. Bureaucratic politics has shaped, and been shaped by, these guidelines, and is examined in a subsequent section. International politics, too, has played an important role in shaping Brazilian maritime policy, and its relationship to the domestic context is explored in a final section. The crucial decision to extend the territorial sea to 200 mi in 1970, including its historical background and aftermath, illustrates these forces shaping maritime policy. Other maritime issues are analyzed to illustrate these forces when relevant.

It is acknowledged that Brazil's prominent position in the South Atlantic has not led it to become a maritime‐oriented state. Increasing efforts have nevertheless been made during the past decade to utilize ocean space and the resources of the sea for national policy ends. As Brazilian maritime policy gained cohesiveness and dynamism in the late 1960s and 1970s, it became complementary to national economic progress and increasingly involved in international economic and political questions.     

Interior Landscapes and External Worlds: the Return of Grand Theory in Anthropology1

This paper argues that the retreat from ‘theory’ characteristic of the postmodernist turn in anthropology has not had the impact on the ethics and politics of disciplinary practice that was hoped for. One reason for this is the problematic relationship between cultural relativism and identity politics which has paralysed the critical project in the discipline and prevented a more radical interrogation of two fundamental questions: ‘what is anthropology?' and ‘who is the anthropologist?'. Discussions in anthropological writing on hybridity and postcoloniality have more often highlighted the hybrid nature of `informants' than that of ‘anthropologists’. Feminist, native and minority writing in the discipline are areas where these questions have been seriously addressed through debates on positionality and location. However, the impact of these discussions on the politics of knowledge in the discipline are rarely recognised by ‘mainstrean anthropology’. One particularly noticeable lacuna is the fact that so little attention is paid to disciplinary education and its impact on theorising. Anthropology, rather than turning away from theory, should spend more time ‘anthropologising’ the concepts of ‘value’, ‘relativism’, ‘humanism’ and ‘comparison’ which underlie disciplinary theorising. The paper concludes by arguing for a return to theory in anthropology accompanied by a critical politics.     

The behaviour of Dutch fresh water ecologists in response to environmental concern

Due to the rise of environmental concern ecologists have been asked for advice more frequently since the late 1960s. This article discusses how the changing relationship between ecologists and society has affected the behaviour of one particular group of ecologists, namely Dutch fresh water ecologists, by focussing on their behaviour towards job market control and public interest activities. The analysis has been based on interviews with 65 Dutch fresh water ecologists together with an analysis of their publications.In contrast with American ecologists, Dutch fresh water ecologists have made little effort to control their job market by formal arrangements such as formulating a code of ethics and certification procedures. Secondly, Dutch fresh water ecologists generally conceive of their own role in contributing to the solution of environmental problems in relation to that of the environmentalists by doing good research and reliable advisory work. Although a significant number of researchers also address lay publics by writing popular articles and/or holding lectures, only a minority actively participates in environmental politics.     

Identities in conflict: The Aboriginal question and the politics of recognition in Quebec

The will to have one's own particular identity universally acknowledged and respected is now one of the most significant determinants of the sociopolitical dynamic of contemporary modern societies. However, the actual recognition of difference is more often than not an unsatisfactory and disappointing experience for many of the groups and communities striving for that recognition. The recent experience of Canadian Aboriginal peoples is a case in point. This article looks at the struggle of Aboriginal nations for recognition in one particular region of Canada, the province of Quebec. Indeed, Quebec offers a revealing case‐study of the peculiarities of the politics of recognition. For over three decades now, the French‐speaking majority of Quebec has striven to assert its ethnocultural distinctiveness and laid claims to a special status within the Canadian political and constitutional framework. Today, both Quebecers and Aboriginals are recognition seekers within the Canadian polity. As a result, their relationship is inevitably marked by their respective but competing attempt to draw the attention of the Canadian state to their particular identity claims. In recent years, this has led to a highly conflictual dynamic which considerably strains any hope of social and cultural coexistence. The article examines the particularities of the politics of recognition in the Quebec context. Its objective is twofold. First, it should serve to shed some light on the manifestations of Aboriginal ethnonationalism in Canada. Secondly, it seeks to illustrate the limitations and paradoxical nature of the politics of recognition within a liberal framework.