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1.
Excavation of the historic period cemetery in ?epin, Croatia revealed the presence of a large number of perimortem injuries distributed among males, females, and subadults. Archaeological and historical data suggest these individuals were victims of a raid carried out by Turkish akinji light cavalry in 1441. Comparisons with the frequencies of perimortem trauma in 12 other, temporally congruent skeletal series from the Balkans (n = 2,123 skeletons) support this assumption. The role of the akinji in the Ottoman army was twofold: to supply war captives, and to terrorize and disperse local populations before the advance of regular troops. This article tests the hypothesis that the purpose of the 1441 raid was the latter. To accomplish this, perimortem trauma in the series were analyzed by sex, age, location, and depth of the injury. A total of 82 perimortem injuries were recorded in 12 males, 7 females, and 3 subadults. The demographic profile of the victims suggests that young adults were specifically targeted in the attack. Significant sex differences are noted in the number, distribution, and pattern of perimortem trauma. Females exhibit significantly more perimortem injuries per individual, and per bone affected, than males. The morphology and pattern of perimortem trauma in females is suggestive of gratuitous violence. Cumulatively, analysis of the osteological data suggest that the objective of the 1441 akinji raid was to spread terror and panic in the ?epin area, either as revenge for recent military setbacks, or as part of a long‐term strategy intended to depopulate the area around Osijek. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2010. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

2.
A charnel pit that contained the disarticulated and intentionally damaged remains of eight incomplete adult and subadult Anasazi skeletons was found and excavated in 1926 by F. H. H. Roberts, Jr., at an AD 900 ruin he named Small House, located in Chaco Canyon, northwestern New Mexico. Damage includes extensive perimortem cranial and postcranial bone breakage, cut marks, anvil hammerstone abrasions, burning, many missing vertebrae, and fragment end-polishing. Together, these six types of perimortem damage are believed to be the taphonomic signature of prehistoric Anasazi cannibalism. The possible cause of the Small House episode is discussed within the framework of two explanatory models-random social pathology and institutionalized social control by violent means. © 1993 Wiley-Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

3.
Located 10 km south of the Third Cataract of the Nile River, the ancient city of Kerma was once capital to the second largest state in Africa. The Eastern Cemetery at Kerma (~4 km east of city center) encompasses 80+ hectares and was used over a period of 1,500 years (3,200–1,500 BC). Excavated in the early 20th century by George Reisner, the cemetery contained an estimated 20,000–40,000 individuals. Reisner classified these burials into multiple categories, including chiefs and human sacrifices, based on burial position and grave goods. This study investigates the skeletal embodiment of social inequality by examining variation in entheseal severity between the Kerma burial classifications. Seventeen entheses were examined using the Hawkey and Merbs (1995) scoring method (n = 205 individuals); age, sex, and body size variables were considered by employing Mann–Whitney U tests and partial Spearman's correlations. This analysis suggests that significant differences in entheseal changes existed between select burial types. Specifically, “corridor sacrifices” had significantly higher rates of entheseal changes while “chiefs” and “subsidiary burials” had similar entheseal changes; furthermore, within these burial categories, males had higher entheseal scores despite body size controls. The elevated entheseal changes in the sacrificial burials may be due to an intensive agro‐pastoral lifestyle or other demanding forms of manual labor. In conclusion, the disparity of entheseal markers between burial subgroups at Kerma might reflect a degree of social inequality within this state level society. This bioarchaeological research informs our understanding of socially‐defined categories of persons as well as everyday life in Ancient Kerma. Am J Phys Anthropol 156:192–202, 2015. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

4.
Anthropological material unearthed by the excavation of the Egypt Exploration Society (London) in the Tomb of King Horemheb at Saqqara consists of original burials dated 14th cent. B.C., of a series of 18 individuals dated 13th cent. B.C. and of a large amount of material (seven burials and a lot of scattered isolated bones) from a secondary cemetery dated Late Period. In it the total number of individuals was determined as 260, divided into 37.3% immatures and 62.7% adults, which consist of 60.7% males and 39.3% females. The mean age at death was for the whole series 24.1 years, for adult males 33.3 years and for adult females 29.4 years. In all metric features a well-cut sexual dimorphism is apparent and a similarity with a contemporary nearly located series from the Mastaba of Ptahshepses at Abusir. The average stature reconstructed by the Negro equations of Trotter and Gleser equals 166.5 cm for males and 154.7 cm for females. Cranioscopic, epigenetic and osteoscopic features, however, showed many differences between the Horemheb and the Ptahshepses series. The paleopathological study revealed cases of traumatism, inflammations, degenerative osteoarthropathies, benign as well as malign tumours, anaemias, congenital anomalies, senile changes and dental diseases.  相似文献   

5.
Skeletal evidence of nonritual interpersonal trauma in the central Illinois valley is currently limited to the terminal prehistoric period in the region. Sixteen percent of the entire Norris Farms Oneota skeletal sample died violently, presumably because they intruded upon small groups of Mississippians who had not yet abandoned the region. Archaeological evidence of palisades, however, suggests that the region was embroiled in conflict before the Oneota arrived though the skeletal evidence supporting more than ritualized or geographically sporadic cases of scalping or embedded projectiles has been elusive. This study examines the frequency and nature of interpersonal trauma at Orendorf, a Middle Mississippian (AD 1150-1250) site at the northern periphery of the region. Nine percent (N = 25) of all 268 individuals documented at Orendorf suffered warfare-related trauma, including 13 cases of scalping, six instances of decapitation, five individuals with healed cranial blunt force trauma, three projectile point impacts, and eight cases of projectile injuries inferred by the burial context. All of the traumatized individuals were at or above the age of 15 years and males and females were victimized equally. The trauma rate among adults is 16%, which is less than that of the Norris Farms Oneota (34%) but higher than other Mississippian groups in the Southeast. The nature of the injuries is more consistent with attacks by outsiders than codified or ritualized intragroup violence.  相似文献   

6.
The first case of metastatic carcinoma ever detected in Slovakia comes from a Slavonic cemetery at Borovce, in the district of Piest'any, which is dated from the end of the 8th to the middle of the 12th century AD. The disease afflicted a 50-60-year-old male, buried in a grave from the older phase of inhumation (8th-early 9th century AD). A number of osteolytic metastases were found in all bones of the skull and postcranial skeleton except for the forearms, hands, lower legs, and feet. They were studied macroscopically by standard X-rays, and by scanning electron microscopy and laser scanning confocal microscopy. Analogous finds from Central European countries were also obtained. They are discussed in relation to their chronology, which shows a tendency of increasing occurrence culminating in the Middle Ages. Some demographic and paleopathological characteristics of the burials in the Borovce cemetery are also provided.  相似文献   

7.

Objectives

This study explores the paleoepidemiology of the Black Death (1348–52 AD) mass graves from Hereford, England, via osteological analysis. Hereford plague mortality is evaluated in the local context of the medieval city and examined alongside other Black Death burials.

Methods

The Hereford Cathedral site includes mass graves relating to the Black Death and a 12th-16th century parish cemetery. In total, 177 adult skeletons were analyzed macroscopically: 73 from the mass graves and 104 from the parish cemetery. Skeletal age-at-death was assessed using transition analysis, and sex and stress markers were analyzed.

Results

The age-at-death distributions for the mass graves and parish cemetery were significantly different (p = 0.0496). Within the mass graves, young adults (15–24 years) were substantially over-represented, and mortality peaked at 25–34 years. From 35 years of age onwards, there was little variation in the mortality profiles for the mass graves and parish cemetery. Males and females had similar representation across burial types. Linear enamel hypoplasia was more prevalent within the mass graves (p = 0.0340) whereas cribra orbitalia and tibial periostitis were underrepresented.

Conclusions

Mortality within the Hereford mass graves peaked at a slightly older age than is seen within plague burials from London, but the overall profiles are similar. This demonstrates that young adults were disproportionately at risk of dying from plague compared with other age groups. Our findings regarding stress markers may indicate that enamel hypoplasia is more strongly associated with vulnerability to plague than cribra orbitalia or tibial periostitis.  相似文献   

8.
The purpose of this study is to assess the state of health of 116 individuals whose remains were excavated from Byzantine period burials underneath the floor of an important Christian basilica from the site of Elaiussa Sebaste, Turkey. Elaiussa Sebaste was a Mediterranean coastal community, which began as a Roman town and continued as an early Christian Byzantine community until the end of the 7th century AD. The burials date from the middle of the 6th through the middle of the 7th centuries AD. We attempt to determine how high social status has influenced the type and frequency of skeletal lesions exhibited in this sample. All strata of this population show a number of chronic and acute health problems as indicated by skeletal lesions. Yet, only the frequency of degenerative joint disease (DJD) differs by sex, with males exhibiting a higher rate of DJD than females, p=0.09. There is no difference in the frequency of trauma among adult males and females. Non-specific skeletal lesions (cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis, and periostitis) often associated with dietary and general stressors, but also with specific systemic diseases, are common in both sexes. The sub-adults primarily exhibit periostitis of the long bones and do not show skeletal lesions specific to malaria. It seems that high social ranking did not prevent serious ailments from affecting the health of individuals living in the Elaiussa Sebaste community.  相似文献   

9.
The analysis of 36 human skeletons (eight subadults, 13 males, 15 females) recovered during a cemetery relocation near Charleston, SC, provides data on health and disease for a 19th-century sample of Afro-Americans. The majority of the burials date from 1840-1870. Skeletal analysis verified some historical interpretations. Gender differential in mortality is evident with average age at death for males 35 and females 40 years. Females, besides living longer, had more missing and carious teeth but fewer abscesses. Both genders expressed childhood metabolic stress as indicated by linear enamel hypoplasias. Males, however, had a higher incidence (92%) than did females (70%). Age at occurrence was more widely distributed for females, but ages 2-4 were most critical for both genders. Postcranial indications of recovery from acute stress, Harris lines, occurred more frequently for males (45%) than for females (18%). Anemia, probably both genetic and acquired, was a significant health problem for both genders. Cribra orbitalia appeared in 35% of the adult crania, and 80% of the subadults had orbital lesions. Diplotic expansion of the cranial vault and infection were relatively common in the sample. Skeletal reaction to infections appeared in 69% of the males, 60% of the females, and 80% of the subadults. Skeletal changes associated with demanding physical labor were ubiquitous. The shoulder and hip were especially affected by degenerative changes, the cervical vertebrae frequently expressed osteophytosis, and males show a preponderance of Schmorl herniations and hypertrophy of the ulnar supinator crest. Skeletal trace elements indicate a relatively high exposure to lead, strontium concentrations indicative of a diet high in plant foods, and relatively low zinc and copper concentrations.  相似文献   

10.
To test the historically documented hypothesis of a general increase in deliberate violence in the eastern Adriatic from the antique (AN; 2nd–6th c.) through the early medieval (EM; 7th–11th c.) to the late‐medieval period (LM; 12th–16th c.), an analysis of the frequency and patterning of bone trauma was conducted in three skeletal series from these time periods. A total of 1,125 adult skeletons—346 from the AN, 313 from the EM, and 466 from the LM series—were analyzed. To differentiate between intentional violence and accidental injuries, data for trauma frequencies were collected for the complete skeleton, individual long bones, and the craniofacial region as well as by type of injury (perimortem vs. antemortem). The results of our analyses show a significant temporal increase in total fracture frequencies when calculated by skeleton as well as of individuals exhibiting one skeletal indicator of deliberate violence (sharp force lesions, craniofacial injuries, “parry” fractures, or perimortem trauma). No significant temporal increases were, however, noted in the frequencies of craniofacial trauma, “parry” fractures, perimortem injuries, or of individuals exhibiting multiple skeletal indicators of intentional violence. Cumulatively, these data suggest that the temporal increase in total fracture frequencies recorded in the eastern Adriatic was caused by a combination of factors that included not only an increase of intentional violence but also a significant change in lifestyle that accompanied the transition from a relatively affluent AN urban lifestyle to a more primitive rural medieval way of life. Am J Phys Anthropol 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

11.
The Middle Period in San Pedro de Atacama (AD 400–1000) stands out as a time of great prosperity that was, in part, associated with high levels of interaction with foreign polities, including the highland state of Tiwanaku. Although previous studies have demonstrated an increase in rates of violence during the subsequent Regional Developments Period (AD 1000–1400), this does not mean that the Middle Period was a time of peace and tranquility. Here, the prevalence of violence in four contemporary cemeteries is analyzed, exploring potential sources of conflict, including social inequality. Cranial trauma was documented through the presence, location, size, and state of healing of all wounds and was found in 14.7% of the sample (61/415; including two cases of perimortem trauma). Skeletal remains were also analyzed for demographic data to investigate differences in patterns of violence related to sex and age. Notably, most of the trauma centered on the anterior portion of the skull, suggesting the prominence of face‐to‐face confrontations that involved both sexes. Correlations between trauma and items in the mortuary assemblage that may have been associated with prestige or an elevated social standing in two cemeteries from the Solcor ayllu indicate that individuals from the more elite cemetery were subjected to significantly less traumatic injury. These data suggest that people did not share equally in the benefits of this period's affluence and that there were tensions in Atacameño society despite seemingly widespread prosperity. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2011. © 2011 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

12.
Leprosy was a common and dreaded disease in the Danish Middle Ages (AD 1050-1536). Starting in the second half of the 13th century, leprosaria were established in many Danish towns and cities. In the city of Odense (on the island of Funen, Denmark), the cemetery of the leprosarium was totally excavated, and four nonleprosarium medieval and early modern cemeteries have been partly excavated. This paper explores the frequency of leprosy in the nonleprosarium cemeteries in Odense, and looks for evidence of selective exclusion from the ordinary population. The analyses are based on 733 skeletons from four cemeteries in Odense: the Gray Friars monastery, St. Albani parish church, St. Knuds cathedral, and Black Friars monastery. Seven lesions are scored and, based on known epidemiological properties (i.e., specificity and sensitivity) of these lesions, scores were transformed to statistics characterizing an individual's risk of having suffered from leprosy. This statistical approach remains of primary theoretical value, pending confirmation by independent research groups at other sites. Prevalence of the skeletal manifestation of leprosy at death varied between 0-17% among the different cemeteries in Odense. The highest prevalence was seen in cemeteries with many burials before AD 1400. It is estimated that before AD 1400, between 14-17% of those buried in the nonleprosarium cemeteries suffered from leprosy. In all nonleprosarium cemeteries, there was evidence for selective exclusion of people with facial leprosy lesions. For a short period just up to AD 1300, the cemetery of the Odense leprosarium had, on average, more than 20 yearly burials. The establishment of the leprosarium was followed within a relatively short period by a dramatic decline in the number of sufferers of leprosy in the nonleprosarium cemeteries. The number of yearly burials in the leprosarium cemetery also declined rapidly during the 14th century. The present analyses do not permit conclusions about the reasons for this decline in leprosy prevalence.  相似文献   

13.
Historical documents indicate that breastfeeding and weaning practices have fluctuated in England through history. In order to obtain evidence for general breastfeeding patterns in Late/Sub-Roman Britain, stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values were measured in juvenile and adult skeletons (n = 87) from the cemetery of Queenford Farm, Dorchester-on-Thames, Oxfordshire. As the site contained few individuals between 0-1.5 years of age, it was not possible to determine the initial timing for the introduction of weaning foods. Between ages 2-4 years, the mean +/- SD delta(13)C results (-20.2 +/- 0.3 per thousand) are significantly more negative (t = -4.03, P < 0.001) compared to adult females (-19.7 +/- 0.3 per thousand). This is interpreted as evidence of a different diet being fed to children during weaning. After age 2, the delta(15)N values gradually decline, indicating complete cessation of breastfeeding by 3-4 years. Among adults, stature (males = 1.68 +/- 0.06 m; females = 1.58 +/- 0.07 m) and sexual dimorphism (106) were low, suggesting that the population was possibly under environmental stress. The delta(13)C results for adults are similar, but females show a small but statistically significantly (t = -2.86, P < 0.01) lower mean delta(15)N value (9.9 +/- 0.9 per thousand) compared to males (10.6 +/- 0.5 per thousand). These lower female delta(15)N values possibly reflect the different physiology of the sexes (pregnancy and/or lactation) or the reduced consumption of animal/fish protein by women, and this may have been influenced by individual preference, family needs, or societal values of the era.  相似文献   

14.
We document evidence for trophy‐taking and dismemberment with a new bioarchaeological database featuring 13,453 individuals from prehistoric central California sites. Our study reveals 76 individuals with perimortem removal of body parts consistent with trophy‐taking or dismemberment; nine of these individuals display multiple types of trophy‐taking and dismemberment for a total of 87 cases. Cases span almost 5,000 years, from the Early Period (3000–500 BC) to the Late Period (AD 900–1700). Collectively, these individuals share traits that distinguish them from the rest of the population: a high frequency of young adult males, an increased frequency of associated trauma, and a tendency towards multiple burials and haphazard burial positions. Eight examples of human bone artifacts were also found that appear related to trophy‐taking. These characteristics suggest that trophy‐taking and dismemberment were an important part of the warfare practices of central Californian tribes. Temporally, the two practices soared in the Early/Middle Transition Period (500–200 BC), which may have reflected a more complex sociopolitical system that encouraged the use of trophies for status acquisition, as well as the migration of outside groups that resulted in intensified conflict. Overall, trophy‐taking and dismemberment appear to have been the product of the social geography of prehistoric central California, where culturally differentiated tribes lived in close proximity to their enemies. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2010. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

15.
Conquest of indigenous peoples in North America is understood primarily through ethnohistorical documents, archaeological evidence, and osteological analyses. However, in the Central Andes, the colonial enterprise and its effects are understood only from postcontact historical and ethnohistorical sources. Few archaeological and bioarchaeological studies have investigated Spanish Conquest and colonialism in the Andean region [for exceptions see Klaus and Tam: Am J Phys Anthropol 138 (2009) 356–368; Wernke, in press ; and Quilter, in press ]. Here we describe bioarchaeological evidence of violence from the cemeteries of Huaquerones and 57AS03 within the archaeological zone of Puruchuco‐Huaquerones, Peru (circa A.D. 1470–1540). A total of 258 individuals greater than 15 years of age were analyzed for evidence of traumatic injuries. Individuals were examined macroscopically and evidence of traumatic injuries was analyzed according to the skeletal element involved, the location of the injury on the skeletal element, and any additional complications of the injury. This study examines and compares the evidence of perimortem injuries on skeletonized individuals from the two cemeteries and focuses specifically on the interpretation of weapon‐related perimortem injuries. Evidence of perimortem trauma is present in both cemeteries (18.6%, 48/258); however, the frequency of injuries in 57AS03 is greater than that in Huaquerones (25.0% vs. 13.0%). Several injuries from 57AS03 are consistent with documented cases of injuries from firearms and 16th Century European weapons. We believe that the nature and high frequency of perimortem trauma at 57AS03 provide evidence of the violence that occurred with Spanish Conquest of the Inca Empire. Am J Phys Anthropol 142:636–649, 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

16.
Historical evidence documents mass migration from Ireland to London during the period of the Great Irish Famine of 1845–52. The rural Irish were reliant on a restricted diet based on potatoes but maize, a C4 plant, was imported from the United States of America in 1846–47 to mitigate against Famine. In London, Irish migrants joined a population with a more varied diet. To investigate and characterize their diet, carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios were obtained from bone collagen of 119 and hair keratin of six individuals from Lukin Street cemetery, Tower Hamlets (1843–54), and bone collagen of 20 individuals from the cemetery at Kilkenny Union Workhouse in Ireland (1847–51). A comparison of the results with other contemporaneous English populations suggests that Londoners may have elevated δ15N compared with their contemporaries in other cities. In comparison, the Irish group have lower δ15N. Hair analysis combined with bone collagen allows the reconstruction of perimortem dietary changes. Three children aged 5–15 years from Kilkenny have bone collagen δ13C values that indicate consumption of maize (C4). As maize was only imported into Ireland in quantity from late 1846 and 1847, these results demonstrate relatively rapid bone collagen turnover in children and highlight the importance of age‐related bone turnover rates, and the impact the age of the individual can have on studies of short‐term dietary change or recent migration. Stable light isotope data in this study are consistent with the epigraphic and documentary evidence for the presence of migrants within the London cemetery. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2013. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

17.
Groups of young, adult males and females performed the handgrip and standing long jump tests. Their total forearm and leg volumes were calculated from a series of circumference and length measurements, and the lean volumes (bone + muscle) calculated by taking the skinfold thickness into consideration. In the handgrip, the mean female performance was 298 N compared with 496 N for the males. In the standing long jump, mean performance expressed as distance x body mass was 87.3 kg.m for females compared with 137.7 kg.m for males. These superior performances of males could simply reflect their greater muscle mass, as the mean lean volumes of female and male limbs respectively were 0.54 l and 0.89 l for forearms, and 11.82 l and 14.82 l for the two legs. However, when the performances of males and females were grouped by lean limb volume, it was found that while in both tests there were linear relationships, males and females did not share a common line. In both tests the male relationship was at a higher level than the female; therefore, for a given lean volume, the male performance was significantly superior to that of the female. The gender difference found in this study has not been seen in other studies in which the performance of skeletal muscle has been related to the cross-sectional area of the active muscles and the possible reasons for the differences are considered.  相似文献   

18.
New human burials from northern Jordan provide important insights into the appearance of cemeteries and the nature of human-animal relationships within mortuary contexts during the Epipalaeolithic period (c. 23,000-11,600 cal BP) in the Levant, reinforcing a socio-ideological relationship that goes beyond predator-prey. Previous work suggests that archaeological features indicative of social complexity occur suddenly during the latest Epipalaeolithic phase, the Natufian (c. 14,500-11,600 cal BP). These features include sedentism, cemeteries, architecture, food production, including animal domestication, and burials with elaborate mortuary treatments. Our findings from the pre-Natufian (Middle Epipalaeolithic) cemetery of 'Uyun al-Hammam demonstrate that joint human-animal mortuary practices appear earlier in the Epipalaeolithic. We describe the earliest human-fox burial in the Near East, where the remains of dogs have been found associated with human burials at a number of Natufian sites. This is the first time that a fox has been documented in association with human interments pre-dating the Natufian and with a particular suite of grave goods. Analysis of the human and animal bones and their associated artefacts provides critical data on the nature and timing of these newly-developing relationships between people and animals prior to the appearance of domesticated dogs in the Natufian.  相似文献   

19.
新疆吐鲁番加依墓地位于吐鲁番市亚尔乡加依村南3公里的戈壁台地上,其年代大致在青铜-早期铁器时代。本文结合人类骨骼考古学、死亡考古学与临床医学的方法,对其中4例疑似的母婴合葬墓(M31、M70、M222、M224)进行了研究。通过对墓葬中遗骸的生物学信息以及埋藏位置信息的采集与分析,判断这4座墓葬中的个体关系应当为母亲和其婴儿。其中,3座墓葬中的母婴个体为分娩后死亡,1座墓葬中的母亲和胎儿个体死于孕期或者分娩过程中。造成这些个体死亡的直接原因可能是难产和产褥期疾病,营养不良和感染性疾病等因素也增加了他们的死亡风险。这4座墓葬一方面体现了古代女性生育所面临的困难,一方面体现了加依先民们对于母婴联结以及“灵魂”的认识,将母婴葬于一室不仅是对死者的关怀,更是对生者的告慰。本文的研究旨在为解读古代遗址中的母婴合葬墓提供一个新视角。  相似文献   

20.
Grotte des Pigeons at Taforalt, north-east Morocco, is well known for a large assemblage of Iberomaurusian (Epipalaeolithic) skeletons, possibly representing the earliest and most extensively used prehistoric cemetery in North Africa. New archaeological excavations carried out in 2005 and 2006 revealed further human remains in a largely undisturbed burial area in an alcove at the back of the cave. This discovery provides the first opportunity to report on Iberomaurusian human mortuary activity at this site. Reported here are a closely spaced and inter-cutting series of four burials. These contained the remains of four adults, of which three were buried in a seated or slightly reclining position facing towards the cave entrance and one was buried in a highly flexed position on its left side. The distribution of articulated and disarticulated bones suggested intensive use of the area, with earlier burials disturbed or truncated by subsequent burials, and displaced skeletal elements deliberately or unwittingly incorporated into later depositions. Through this process, parts of a single skeleton were redistributed among several discrete graves and within the surrounding deposit. Some aspects of the Iberomaurusian funerary tradition that are evident from the human remains excavated in the 1950s are absent in the newly excavated adult burials, suggesting a possible elaboration of funerary activity over time.  相似文献   

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