Fertility trends in Singapore

In 1966, the Singapore National Family Planning and Population Program established the goal of reaching replacement fertility by 1990 and zero population growth by the year 2030. To achieve this goal, the government relied on a series of incentives and disincentives to discourage births above the 3rd birth order, including tax relief for the 1st 3 children only, paid medical leave for women undergoing sterilization after the 3rd or subsequent birth, monetary stipends in some cases where the mother is sterilized after the 1st or 2nd birth, and increasing accouchement charges for increasing birth orders. Also important to demographic planning were liberalization of Singapore's abortion legislation and more aggressive promotion of contraception. As a result of these efforts, Singapore's crude birth rate has declined from 29.5/1000 population in 1965 to 16.6/1000 in 1985. Also observed have been dramatic declines in infant mortality in this same period, from 26.2/1000 live births to 9.3/1000, and in maternal mortality, from 52/100,000 live births to 10/100,000. In 1985, 42% of total births were to women in the 25-29-year age group. The numbers of 4th and later births fell by 90% between 1966 and 1985. The total fertility rate has declined from 4.6/woman in 1965 to 3.1 in 1970 to 1.6 in 1986. Below replacement level fertility was achieved in 1975, in part because of government policy but also as a result of cultural and socioeconomic factors such as increasing female labor force participation rates, a break-up of the extended family system, a rise in the age at 1st marriage, and rises in educational attainment. The drop in fertility was contributed mainly by the higher socioeconomic class, more affluent, and educated Singaporeans. Thus, in 1981, the government introduced certain pronatalist policies and incentives to encourage better educated women to produce more children, e.g., tax relief and the elimination of monetary incentives to sterilization acceptors above a median income level.     

Reproduction: the Canadian family in transition

3 trends suggest that the reproductive function of the Canadian family is in transition. 1st, fertility has fallen and remains below the replacement level. In 1985, the total fertility rate was 1.67, the lowest in 60 years. Since 1971, it has not risen above 2.1 births/woman, the replacement level. 2nd, an increasing proportion of women are spending a larger part of their lives without having any children. In the 1981 census, 22% of ever-married women between 15 and 44 years had not yet borne children, compared with only 14% recorded in the 1961 census. While the proportion of women who are childless at the end of their reproductive years has risen only slightly, a larger number of women are postponing having children even as the risk of becoming sterile in the interim becomes greater. The combined effect of postponing both marriage and childbearing will most probably be to increase the proportion of women remaining without children. The 3rd trend is the increasing proportion of women who are having children without getting married. Among the consequences of premarital pregnancy are the stress on single mothers, the need for social assistance, the cost of maintenance programs, and the need for more child care. These changes in attitude toward marriage and family formation could have major implications for individuals and society. A fertility rate below replacement level could be stressful for society, resulting in population decline, and changes in age structure that could negatively affect the economy.     

Differential fertility in the United States, 1980: continuity or change?

This paper considers how changes in women's sociocultural characteristics have influenced recent patterns of differential fertility in the US and whether the convergence of fertility differentials observed up to 1970 has continued. The data are drawn from the June 1980 US Current Population Survey, which is a probability sample survey selected to represent the civilian non-institutionalized population living in households. The study population consists of 20,621 ever-married White and Black women aged 25-44, a group for various reasons considered to have a high impact from the point of view of fertility behavior. Fertility to date and ever expected fertility are the dependent variables. The respondents were separated into age cohorts, and differentiated by race. The data suggest that there has been no change in differential fertility in recent years: the 2 youngest cohorts (25-29 and 30-34 years) have similar expected fertilities that are lower than those of the older cohorts. Age at 1st birth, length of 1st birth interval, income, and education were negatively associated with fertility, among both older and younger women, of both races. Differentials by race have narrowed slightly. When fertility expectations were examined, the association of the independent variables with expected completed fertility was weaker among younger women, indicating that there has been some convergence in expected fertility. Further narrowing of differentials in actual fertility depends on how successful the younger women are in preventing future unplanned births. If the present tendency towards surgical sterilization (among both races and groups above and below the poverty level) persists, it will make it possible for more women to stay within their expected total fertility levels.     

Transitions in fertility for Brazilian women: an analysis of impact factors

The labor participation of Brazilian women has increased during the last few decades. According to the World Bank, the percentage of Brazilian women participating in the labor market rose from 20% in the early 1970s to 65% (for women between 16 and 64 years of age) in 2009. The fertility profile has also changed, the fertility rate has decreased from 6.2 in 1960 to 1.9 in 2009, below the replacement rate, according to the World Bank. This paper will present Brazilian fertility trends during the previous (20(th)) and present (21(st)) centuries and, emphasize the importance of individual profiles for fertility decisions. This work uses Brazilian data from PNAD (Pesquisa Nacional de Amostra por Domicilios) to understand the cause of this relationship and to predict the consequences of these choices on women's economic development.     

Effect of infant mortality on subsequent fertility in Pakistan and Sri Lanka

This study used data from the 1975 World Fertility Surveys in Pakistan and Sri Lanka to examine the association between fertility and infant mortality. A positive association between the mean number of children ever born and the number of child deaths was found in both rural and urban areas of each country. In Pakistan, women with no child loss had 3.3 children ever born while those who lost 1 child had 4.7 children; in Sri Lanka the figures were 3.5 and 5.4 children, respectively. However, child replacement was much less marked when controls were introduced for demographic and socioeconomic factors. When deaths at specific parities were examined, and age and time since previous birth were controlled, child replacement at the 1st parity was reduced to .3 in Pakistan and .2 in Sri Lanka. Further control for a series of socioeconomic factors (e.g. husband's level of education, husband's occupation, household structure, religion, standard of living) reduced the child replacement ratio to .2 children in Pakistan and zero in Sri Lanka. Replacement was slightly more pronounced when there were fewer surviving male children. This analysis suggests that the relationship between infant mortality and fertility is complex. A possibility that could not be explored in this study is that variation in fertilitty may itself be responsible for some of the variation in infant mortality.     

Son preference and child replacement in Bangladesh: a new look at the child survival hypothesis

Birth history data from women in the 1975-76 Bangladesh Fertility Survey were used to search for intentions to replace dead children. The median intervals between successive births of orders (i) and (i + 1) were not shorter when some siblings of orders below (i) had died. Nor was the median duration between the death of a child and the first posthumous birth shorter when the dead child was a boy or when it was survived by fewer than two brothers. The median intervals were generally shorter when the mother lived in an urban rather than a rural area but this difference was attributable only to the shorter duration of breast-feeding by urban women. These results disputed the notions that the timing of births was deliberately quicker to replace a dead child, that attempts at replacement were sex-selective, or that child replacement intentions were stronger in urban than in rural populations.     

A test of the child replacement hypothesis: nineteenth century Massachusetts

Child mortality experiences may affect subsequent fertility of couples by exerting a physiological effect, influencing length of birth, interval, or a replacement effect, in which couples continue to procreate in an attempt to reach a desired number of surviving offspring. Where biological constraints are potentially important, however, it may be difficult to distinguish between purely physiological and purely behavioral components of the process regulating production. Natural spacing of births and onset of sterility may be affected by health and diet and prior childbearing and breastfeeding practices. Biological pressures can, in turn, be infuenced behaviorally both by social custom and individual choice. Studies of 126 families in 19th century Massachusetts show that reduction in infant mortality is not a prerequisite for onset of family limitation. Results for the study population did not exhibit a relationship between parity progression ratios and the experience of child mortality, consisten with the child replacement hypothesis. 1 factor involved may be the parent's expectations of more than the desired number of children because of imperfect contraceptive technology at the time. Preference for the sex of children also may weaken overall replacement effect, since the death of a child of "undesired" sex will not be replaced. The cohort age-specific fertility patterns indicate that a reduction in overall fertility level in the communities studied was parity-dependent and directed at stopping childbearing at some given range of family size. At any rate, parents are not passive participants in a natural regime of births and deaths. While child replacement may be present in some societies, it is relatively inefficient and perhaps infrequent.     

Effect of famine on fertility in a rural area of Bangladesh

Data on household socioeconomic status collected in the 1974 census and registration data on births, deaths, and migrations for the 1974-77 period from the Demographic Surveillance System of the International Centre for Diarrheal Disease Research, Bangladesh, were used to investigate the effects of the 1974-75 famine on differential fertility in a rural population of Bangladesh. Occupation of household head was used as a measure of socioeconomic status. Overall, fertility declined by 34% over the 1975-76 period and increased by 17% in 1976-77 from the 1974-75 figure. Significantly lower fertility was observed in 1975-76, irrespective of socioeconomic status, but the lower socioeconomic groups were affected more than the higher groups. Post-famine fertility was significantly higher only in the 2 middle occupation categories. The age-specific fertility rates suggest that the famine affected all age groups. The post-famine fertility was higher than that of 1974-75 in all but those aged below 20. At age 40 and over the recovery was slight. Husband-wife separation showed an increase during the famine and particularly among the lower socioeconomic groups. The males of the lower socioeconomic households migrated to other regions to obtain food for the family, thus affecting frequency of coitus. The decline in fertility may be due to several factors: deferred marriage; increase in divorces and husband-wife separations; high fetal wastage; voluntary fertility control through contraception, abstention, or induced abortion; and infecundability. An indirect measure of marriage rate indicated that fewer couples entered into marriage in 1974-75, particularly in the lower socioeconomic groups. Both the higher and lower socioeconomic groups were affected by the famine but the precise mechanisms were not the same. At this stage, it is not feasible to estimate the contribution of each factor to the fertility decline. The lower socioeconomic groups were more affected by husband-wife separations and deferred marriages; the higher socioeconomic groups were affected by mental stress and anxiety.     

Birth spacing in Pakistan

Life table analysis was applied to data from the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey to identify child spacing differentials between population subgroups. Women in urban areas had shorter birth intervals than their rural counterparts from parities 1-6; only after parity 7 was this differential reversed. Similarly, women with some education had shorter birth intervals at the earlier parities than uneducated women. While overall family size is relatively homogeneous in Pakistan, women of more modern backgrounds seem to space their children more closely than traditional women. Age at marriage appears to play an important role not only in determining the length of the 1st interval, but also that of subsequent intervals. An unexpected finding was that ever users of contraception had distinctly more rapid spacing of their births than never users. The median interval to 1st birth was shortest in North West Frontier Province, but similar in Punjab and Sind. Multiple classification analysis revealed that some differentials in child spacing by education, residence, and province persisted even after other variables were controlled. Cohort of mother had an independent effect, with younger cohorts having shorter birth intervals. However, the variable that had the strongest effect on length of interval (aside from the 1st interval) was breastfeeding duration. It is likely that increasing urbanization and improved levels of education among women will lead to high levels of marital fertility associated with shorter birth intervals. Even though these trends tend to increase the age at marriage, they are associated with shorter durations of breastfeeding. In the longer term, greater use of contraception among women in the modern sector may partially counteract the fertility increasing effect of reduced birth intervals.     

A reversal of fertility trends in Singapore

Free access to contraception and effective legislation measures, have resulted in a decline in fertility in Singapore. A new population policy of 'three children or more if you can afford it' was therefore introduced in 1986. This paper discusses the new population policies and measures their effect on fertility in Singapore.     

Reproductive life of some Gujar women of Punjab

Data was collected on current age, age at menarche, marriage age, maternal age at 1st birth, age at the birth of last child, age at menopause, total number of conceptions, live births, stillbirths, abortions, dead children and living children for a sample of 150 Gunjar women of Punjab, India, during September and October 1977 to study their reproductive life. The women ranged in age from 45-55 years. The mean age at menarche was 14.90 years for the sample. The median age at menopause was 46.20 years. The mean age at marriage of the present sample was 12.56+-2.50 years; the mean age of the mother at the birth of her 1st child was 16.85 years; and the mean age at the birth of the last child was 38.68 years. The average number of conceptions was 7.2; the average number of live births of these 150 women was 6.90. The fertility of this population was natural as they were not using any family planning method.     

Demographic and endocrinological aspects of low natural fertility in Highland New Guinea

The Gainj of highland Papua New Guinea do not use contraception but have a total fertility rate of only 4.3 live births/woman, 1 of the lowest ever recorded in a natural fertility setting. Reproductive and marital histories were obtained from 305 females and 206 males aged 10+. Each subject was asked about: number of live born offspring ever produced; number of stillbirths ever produced; number and names of offspring currently being nursed; number of current and past spouses; and the cause of dissolution of all past marriages. Blood samples were drawn from 172 volunteer female subjects aged 10-60 years and ovarian function was classified by concentration of progesterone. From an analysis of these cross-sectional demographic and endocrinological data, the causes of low reproductive output have been identified in women of this population as: late menarche and marriage, a long interval between marriage and 1st birth, a high probability of widowhood at later reproductive ages, low effective fecundability and prolonged lactational amenorrhea. These are combined with near-universal marriage, and a low prevalence of primary sterility similar to that found in other populations. Of all the factors limiting fertility, by far the most important are those involved in birth spacing, especially lactational amenorrhea. The effects of widowhood on Gainj fertility are negligible. Factors acting to lower fertility fall into 2 categories: those that determine the age of onset of reproduction and those that act to space births. Given the observed pattern of birth spacing, however, the delay in commencement of reproduction represents on average no more than 1 or 2 live births averted/woman. In contrast, were age at 1st reproduction held constant while reducing birth intervals to a mean of 2.0-2.5 years, total fertility would increase to about 7 or 8. Future research on natural fertility should focus on specific behavioral and physiological mechanisms governing the reproductive process.     

A relative cohort size forecasting model of Canadian total live births

Easterlin and Condran suggest that Canadian fertility is dictated by a relative cohort size (or relative income) model of fertility which points to a resurgence of fertility rather than a decline in the next 2 decades. Samuelson (1976) formalized Easterlin's model and shows that if the Easterlin effect is sufficiently strong, cycles in fertility will result. Ahlburg (1983) demonstrates that this model fits the US postwar fertility data very well and predicts the revival of fertility in the 1980s and 1990s. This model is applied to Canadian data as a check on Easterlin and Condran's earlier analysis and to determine whether the model also predicts a revival of Canadian fertility. According to the model, increases in the size of a birth cohort relative to preceding cohorts reduce that cohort's income relative to that of smaller cohorts and consequently reduce the fertility of the large cohort. In this manner, the size of a particular cohort is a function of the size of previous birth cohorts. The model assumes that immigration is zero, or, at least, relatively small. From the statistics, it does not appear that emigration or immigration was sufficiently large to alter significantly the age-structure of the Canadian population. Additionally, foreign-born women have much lower fertility than native-born women, particularly among postwar immigrants. Thus, the model outlined may be a useful approximation to the Canadian experience. Table 1 reports the results of estimating the model for Canadian data for the 1941-79 period. The results are consistent with the relative cohort size model that is outlined. The variables were correctly signed and significant at the 0.05 level in 1-tailed tests. The overall equation was significant at the 0.91 level. The forecasts with 20-year lags from the relative cohort model lie between the low and medium forecasts of Denton et al. until the end of this decade and between the medium and high forecast for the remainder of the 20th century. The model based on 25-year generational lags predicts 20% fewer births in the year 2000 than does the basic model, although it predicts births to increase significantly relative to the levels of the early 1960s. Policy decisions based on the unchallenged assumption of a continuance of low fertility may be ill-advised.     

Fertility change in Costa Rica 1960-84: analysis of retrospective lifetime reproductive histories

Lifetime reproductive histories of a 1984-85 nationally representative sample of 870 women aged 25-59 years provided data to describe the evolution of fertility, contraception, breast-feeding, and natural fecundability in Costa Rica between 1960 and 1984. The contraceptive prevalence rate increased from 23% in 1965 to 58% in 1975 and 66% in 1984. Duration of breast-feeding was stable during the 1960s, decreased in the early 1970s, and increased after about 1976. Fecundability among women who did not practise contraception was lower than expected and declined between 1960 and 1975, probably because of selection effects. Despite a high consistency between estimations from the reproductive histories and other sources of data, some suggestion of omissions of short periods of contraceptive use in the distant past was detected. The survey may have reduced recall errors by using a calendar that summarizes major life events together. The analysis demonstrated the feasibility and usefulness of asking for lifetime reproductive histories in fertility surveys in developing countries.     

Life-history theory, fertility and reproductive success in humans

According to life-history theory, any organism that maximizes fitness will face a trade-off between female fertility and offspring survivorship. This trade-off has been demonstrated in a variety of species, but explicit tests in humans have found a positive linear relationship between fitness and fertility. The failure to demonstrate a maximum beyond which additional births cease to enhance fitness is potentially at odds with the view that human fertility behaviour is currently adaptive. Here we report, to our knowledge, the first clear evidence for the predicted nonlinear relationship between female fertility and reproductive success in a human population, the Dogon of Mali, West Africa. The predicted maximum reproductive success of 4.1+/-0.3 surviving offspring was attained at a fertility of 10.5 births. Eighty-three per cent of the women achieved a lifetime fertility level (7-13 births) for which the predicted mean reproductive success was within the confidence limits (3.4 to 4.8) for reproductive success at the optimal fertility level. Child mortality, rather than fertility, was the primary determinant of fitness. Since the Dogon people are farmers, our results do not support the assumptions that: (i) contemporary foragers behave more adaptively than agriculturalists, and (ii) that adaptive fertility behaviour ceased with the Neolithic revolution some 9000 years ago. We also present a new method that avoids common biases in measures of reproductive success.     

Fertility and social class in a French village, 1901-75

Explanations of rural-urban fertility differentials have normally lain in assumptions about the traditionalist nature of rural, and especially agricultural, societies in contrast to the more rationalist and modern attitudes towards the family that exist in urban societies. This paper raises 2 objections to such an oversimplified view of rural-urban fertility differentials. The 1st is that rural fertility is assumed to have been relatively uncontrolled until the final stages of the demographic transition: the possibility of significant early control on fertility in rural areas is discounted. The 2nd is that this simplistic view of fertility differentials ignores the existence of social sub-groups within the rural population and assumes that all country-dwellers are members of an idealized rural society and behave, demographically, in a uniform fashion. The extent to which it is possible to recognize distinctive patterns of marriage and fertility within sub-groups of the rural population is examined by an analysis of the fertility experience of 294 females who lived in a single village in southern Normandy at some period between 1901 and 1975. Biographical details were obtained from an exhaustive analysis of census lists and the civil registration documents to attempt a family and household reconstitution. Other sources used include electoral registers and land-ownership records. The pattern of evolution of fertility in the village for the period considered is derived using Coale's demographic indices: indices of female proportions married, marital fertility, illegitmate fertility and overall fertility are derived by standardizing the population under study against the age-specific fertility schedules of a population believed to have natural fertiltity (the American Hutterites). Overall fertility has increased slightly through the 75-year period, being notably low at the star of the century, chiefly as a result of the high average age at 1st marrige of girls from owner-oc pying farm families. Changes in overall fertility through the century have partly resulted from changes in the proportionate contribution of the different sub-classes of the village as a whole, but the increased importance of owner-occupying farm households has been compensated by a similar increase in the importance of employees in nonagricultural activities who have the highest fertility levels of all. The explanations of these differentials in fertility between sub-classes of the local population appear to lie in the relationships of those classes to the labor market, and in the degree to which capital accumulation and inheritance act as a brake on early marriage and fertility within marriage.     

Cessation of childbearing in the absence of contraception in Sri Lanka

In data from the Sri Lanka Fertility Survey, 1975, the cessation of childbearing is examined among women who have never used contraception. The sample consisted of 6810 currently or previously married women, 57% of whom reported that they had never used contraception. Cessation of childbearing is studied according to age and marriage duration. The variables analyzed are age at last birth, proportions infertile during the last 5 or 7 years, and the infertile open interval. The duration of breastfeeding is taken into account where necessary, and the contraceptive users and nonusers are compared where appropriate. Non-users tend to cease childbearing early, and therefore are infertile for longer periods during their marriages. It is probably age of the 1st child that influences decisions on future fertility. Among women aged 45-49 who married before age 20 and continued in their 1st marriage, mean age at last live birth in non-users, was 34.5 years, about 2 years earlier than in those who had used contraception. Non-users who married at any age below 30 years cease childbearing well below age 40. The proportion not currently pregnant and infertile over the past 5 years increases with marriage duration among the fertile non-users in each age group. When age at last birth and the duration of breastfeeding in the open interval are taken into account and the reference period is increased to 7 years, the period of infertility increases with marriage duration among nonpregnant non-users below age 45. The proportion of women who were currently not pregnant and had remained infertile over the past 7 years is higher among the older non-users whose 1st child was born more than 10 years ago.     

An extension of a parity-dependent model for number of births and estimation of fecundability

This paper presents a probability distribution describing the variation in the number of births in a human population during a given period since marriage, assuming fertility parameters to be parity dependent. A procedure to obtain maximum likelihood estimates of the parameters is outlined. Its applications are illustrated with observed and simulated data.     

Minimizing the dependency ratio in a population with below-replacement fertility through immigration

Many industrialized countries face fertility rates below replacement level, combined with declining mortality especially in older ages. Consequently, the populations of these countries have started to age. One important indicator of age structures is the dependency ratio which is the ratio of the nonworking age population to the working age population. In this work we find the age-specific immigration profile that minimizes the dependency ratio in a stationary population with below-replacement fertility. It is assumed that the number of immigrants per age is limited. We consider two alternative policies. In the first one, we fix the total number of people who annually immigrate to a country. In the second one, we prescribe the size of the receiving country’s population. For both cases we provide numerical results for the optimal immigration profile, for the resulting age structure of the population, as well as for the dependency ratio.     

Population ageing: what should we worry about?

Approximately half the world''s population now has replacement-level fertility or below. The UK experience in accommodating to a changing dependency ratio provides some generalizable insights. A mechanistic approach assuming a fixed retirement age and a need to raise fertility or increase immigration in order to maintain pensions at a fixed proportion of the gross domestic product (GDP) is overstated and wrong. It needs to be replaced by a welfare optimizing model, which takes into account the increasing years of healthy life, a slow rise in the pensionable age, capital inheritance and wider welfare considerations of population density that are not reflected in GDP measures. A combined replacement ratio (CRR) is suggested for developed countries combining the impact of the fertility rate and immigration rate. A CRR above 2 implies continued population growth. The current UK CRR of 2.48 is higher than needed for pension reasons, and it is suggested that it exceeds the welfare maximizing level.