How does marriage affect length of life? Analysis of a French historical dataset from an evolutionary perspective

There are broadly two explanations for why human longevity appears to be extended by marriage. First, there is the social explanation, whereby the companionship, division of labour and the economic support that marriage offers is thought to extend life. Second, there is a selective explanation, whereby those individuals with high potential longevity are more attractive to the opposite sex and therefore more likely to get married. Here we analyse the “TRA” dataset from 19th century France, using an evolutionary approach to address the question of why marriage is linked to longevity, focussing particularly on sex differences. The dataset is based on death and marriage records from all of France between 1798 and 1901 and includes information on age at death, marriage and wealth for individuals whose surnames began with the letters TRA. We find that marriage is positively associated with longevity, particularly for men. In part, this is related to the higher rate of deaths for single males during marriageable age, as compared to a higher rate of deaths for females during marriage. There is a positive association between wealth (at death) and longevity for individuals who were single or married at death, with a stronger effect for singles. Analysis of the effect of spousal age gap on duration of survival after first marriage indicates that men who were married to younger women lived longer, whereas the longevity of women was not associated with the spousal age gap. We put forward an evolutionary perspective on marriage and longevity, hypothesizing that there is an important role for sexual selection in the association between marriage and longevity, with women selecting on characteristics associated with longevity, whilst men select on characteristics associated with reproductive potential.     

Polygyny, reproductive success and child health in rural Ethiopia: why marry a married man?

This study examines the reproductive success of men and women in rural Ethiopia as a function of their marital status, specifically by comparing polygamously and monogamously married individuals. In line with predictions from evolutionary theory, polygamy is beneficial to male reproductive success (i.e. producing larger numbers of surviving offspring). The success of polygamously married females depends on wife rank: the first wives of polygamous husbands do better than monogamously married women and much better than second or third wives. These effects are mirrored in child nutritional status: the children of second and third wives have lower weight for height. Due to potential, largely unmeasurable differences in marriageability (quality) between individuals, it was not possible to support a model of either resource-holding polygyny combined with female choice or female coercion into unwanted marriages. First wives of polygamously married men marry at a younger age and attract a higher brideprice, suggesting that both the males and females in the marriage are likely to be of higher quality (due to wealth, family status or some other factor such as beauty). Unions that end up monogamous are likely to be between slightly lower quality individuals; and second and third wives, who marry at the oldest ages and attract the lowest brideprice, may be 'making the best of a bad job'. The relatively long gap between first and second marriages may mean that first wives of highly marriageable males can enjoy considerable reproductive success before their husbands marry again.     

Shared interests or sexual conflict? Spousal age gap,women's wellbeing and fertility in rural Tanzania

The marriage of older men to younger women is common across cultures. On one hand, husband-older marriage may serve the interests of both sexes, a conclusion broadly consistent with reported gender differences in mate preferences. On the other hand, men alone may benefit from such marriages at a cost to women if seniority enables men to exert dominance in conflicts of interest. Indeed, in public health large spousal age gaps are generally deemed “pathological”, both as a cause and consequence of gender inequalities harmful to women. We investigate these alternative models of spousal age gap using data from a cross-sectional survey of women in Mwanza, northwestern Tanzania (n = 993). Consistent with the notion that spousal age gaps are a product of sexual conflict, women typically married with a larger age gap than stated ideals. However, adjusting for potential confounds, spousal age gap was not associated with fertility or the risk of divorce. Furthermore, women's mental health and autonomy in household decision-making was higher in husband-older marriages compared to rare cases of same-age or wife-older marriage. Beyond this comparison, the magnitude of spousal age gaps was unrelated to either measure of women's wellbeing among the overwhelming majority of marriages where the husband was older. Together these findings suggest husband-older marriage does not influence marital stability, relatively large spousal age gaps are neither especially costly nor beneficial to women, and that alternative sociodemographic factors are more important in driving variation in women's wellbeing and reproductive success in this context. Our results support neither a model of mutual benefits, nor a pathological conceptualization of spousal age gaps. We conclude by both encouraging evolutionary human scientists to engage more fully with models of sexual conflict in future studies of marriage and mating, and suggesting that public health scholars consider more neutral interpretations of spousal age differences.     

Mortality and age differences in marriage.

Data from the 1971 census population were used to evaluate the effects of age differences of married partners on mortality rates. Different age groups were isolated to highlight the association between mortality and age of spouse for specific ages of married men and women. Men married to much younger or to older women exhibited a higher mortality rate than men married to women who were only a few years younger than themselves. A similar trend was observed among women married to much younger or much older men compared with those whose spouses were a few years older or of similar ages as themselves. Trends for other age groups (women aged 60-69 years, men below 40, and women below 30) did not exhibit a clear pattern. Although statistical biases within age groups may in part account for the differences in the findings, the trend which emerged from the analysis suggests that lower morbidity is associated with the most common age combinations (husbands same age or slightly older than wives). Other factors could also account for the differences (e.g., selection of healthy partners in 1st marriages, differences in lifestyles between married and single).     

Marital fertility in polygynous unions in Nigeria

The effect of polygyny on fertility, by age cohort, was examined in 4 regions of Nigeria through use of data from the 1981-82 Nigerian Fertility Survey. Simple tabulation of numbers of live births by maternal age and type of marriage union indicated that, with the exception of the 30-39-year age group, fertility in polygynous unions tends to be higher than that in monogamous marriages. Overall, such tabulations reveal an average of 3.90 births among polygynous women and 3.47 births among monogamous women. However, when age-specific fertility rates were compared, except for women under 20 and over 40 years of age, rates were higher in monogamous unions (7.286 overall) than for women in polygynous households (7.200 overall). Mean completed fertility, taking into account marriage duration as well, shows a tendency for women in polygynous unions to be more fertile (with the exception of women aged 25-44 years who had been married 10-19 years). The absolute difference in fertility between the 2 types of marital unions ranged from 0.32 children in the northwest to 0.64 in the southeast. With adjustment for independent variables such as education, the absolute mean differences were reduced, from between 0.28 children in the southeast to 0.42 in the northeast, but the direction of high fertility was still in favor of women in polygynous unions. But when the covariates (e.g., age at marriage) were taken into account as well as the independent variables, there was a dramatic reduction in the mean difference between the fertility of these 2 groups of women. These findings suggest that some changes in reproductive behavior are taking place in Nigeria that are restricting the fertility of women in polygynous unions. These changes are hypothesized to reflect the spread of formal education in Nigeria, with the expectation that women will contribute to the costs involved in educating their children.     

A Bioeconomic Approach to Marriage and the Sexual Division of Labor

Children may be viewed as public goods whereby both parents receive equal genetic benefits yet one parent often invests more heavily than the other. We introduce a microeconomic framework for understanding household investment decisions to address questions concerning conflicts of interest over types and amount of work effort among married men and women. Although gains and costs of marriage may not be spread equally among marriage partners, marriage is still a favorable, efficient outcome under a wide range of conditions. This bioeconomic framework subsumes both cooperative and conflictive views on the sexual division of labor. We test hypotheses concerning marriage markets, assortative mating, and men’s labor motivations among Tsimane forager-horticulturalists of Bolivia and find that: (1) men and women both value work effort in marital partners, (2) marital labor contributions are complementary, (3) work effort is correlated between spouses, (4) total production is correlated with total reproduction, and (5) better hunters have higher fitness gains within marital unions.     

The Influence of Change in Marital Status on Weight Change Over One Year

Marital status is an influence on body weight. Changes in marital status and body weight were examined in the National Survey of Personal Health Practices and Consequences, a telephone survey of 2,436 adults interviewed twice approximately 1 year apart. Two statistical methods for analyzing weight change were compared, and both produced similar results: regression analysis of weight change and regression analysis of weight at follow-up controlling for baseline weight. The findings revealed that women who entered marriage had greater weight change than women who remained married. Analysis of weight gain and weight loss separately showed that women who became married lost less weight than those who remained married. For men, there were no statistically significant relationships between marital change and weight change over a 1-year period. These findings support other literature showing that marital status plays a role in body weight changes. The results suggest gender differences may exist in the rate of body weight change after marriage, with more immediate changes in women than men.     

Marital status and colon cancer outcomes in US Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results registries: does marriage affect cancer survival by gender and stage?

Background: Marital status has been associated with outcomes in several cancer sites including breast cancer in the literature, but little is known about colon cancer, the fourth most common cancer in the US. Methods: A total of 127,753 patients with colon cancer were identified who were diagnosed between 1992 and 2006 in the US Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER) Program. Marital status consisted of married, single, separated/divorced and widowed. Chi-square tests were used to examine the association between marital status and other variables. The Kaplan–Meier method was used to estimate survival curves. Cox proportional hazards models were fit to estimate the effect of marital status on survival. Results: Married patients were more likely to be diagnosed at an earlier stage (and for men also at an older age) compared with single and separated/divorced patients, and more likely to receive surgical treatment than all other marital groups (all p < 0.0001). The five-year survival rate for the single was six percentage points lower than the married for both men and women. After controlling for age, race, cancer stage and surgery receipt, married patients had a significantly lower risk of death from cancer (for men, HR: 0.86, CI: 0.82–0.90; for women, HR: 0.87, CI: 0.83–0.91) compared with the single. Within the same cancer stage, the survival differences between the single and the married were strongest for localized and regional stages, which had overall middle-range survival rates compared to in situ or distant stage so that support from marriage could make a big difference. Conclusions: Marriage was associated with better outcomes of colon cancer for both men and women, and being single was associated with lower survival rate from colon cancer.     

Height and marital outcomes in the Netherlands,birth years 1841-1900

Adult body height appears to be significantly associated with marital outcomes: taller men across contexts have been found to be more likely to be married, and more likely to be married at younger ages. We are interested in exploring both outcomes individually and simultaneously, while using an unique, individual-level dataset of Dutch men and their brothers born between 1841 and 1900. To do so, we exploit survival models and cure models. While survival models yield a single estimate for the hazard (or age at) marriage, cure models yield two: one for the likelihood of marriage, and one for the hazard of first marriage. Cure models thus account for selection into marriage, while survival models do not. We find that, in the survival analyses, being in the shortest 20 % of heights is associated with later ages of marriage, relative to being average height. However, when we account for selection into marriage with cure models, we find that height is no longer associated with age at marriage. Instead, we see that height is associated with the likelihood of being married, with being in the bottom 20 % of heights associated with a 56.1 % decreased likelihood of being married, relative to being average height. We therefore conclude that height may be a gatekeeper for access to marriage, but it appears that other factors – likely related to the ability to set up an independent household – are more important in determining the timing of marriage for our research population.     

Men's revealed preference for their mates' ages

Both young and old men say that they are sexually attracted to young, fertile women, but older men tend to marry older women, including those who are peri- and post-menopausal. We assessed men's freely revealed preference for their mates' age using an unusual marriage phenomenon in South Korea: the practice in which men purchase their brides from developing countries. Presumably, the men's mate choice, at least regarding the brides' age, is unrestricted by women. We analyzed all first marriages reported in 2010–2014 in South Korea and compared men who married Korean brides (N = 1,088,457) with those who purchased their brides (N = 45,528); the age range of grooms and brides was 15–59. While the former exhibited the typical pattern where older men married older women, the latter, whether young or old, always married young, fertile women. This finding is consistent with men's stated preference for young, fertile women in mating and suggests that the typical pattern is generated by women's limiting role in mating.     

Consanguineous marriage and differentials in age at marriage, contraceptive use and fertility in Pakistan

Fertility rates in Pakistan have remained consistently high over the past three decades. While numerous studies have examined sociodemographic determinants, the role of biological factors, and particularly consanguinity, has received little attention, even though marriage between close biological relatives continues to be the norm in Pakistan. Reproductive behaviour among women in consanguineous (first cousin) and non-consanguineous unions was compared, using data from a 1995 study of multi-ethnic communities in Karachi and the 1990-91 Pakistan Demographic & Health Survey (PDHS). The results show that, although female age at first marriage has been gradually rising in both study samples, women in consanguineous unions married at younger ages and were less likely to use modern contraceptive methods. In the Karachi sample, women in first cousin unions experienced a higher mean number of pregnancies and also reported a higher mean number of children ever born (CEB). However, their mean number of surviving children did not differ from those born to women in non-consanguineous unions, implying higher prenatal and/or postnatal losses in couples related as first cousins. On the other hand, the PDHS showed both lower CEB values for women in consanguineous marriages and a lower number of surviving children. Given the continuing popularity of consanguineous marriage, these findings have important implications for future fertility reduction in Pakistan.     

Explaining Marital Patterns and Trends in Namibia: A Regression Analysis of 1992, 2000 and 2006 Demographic and Survey Data

Background

Marriage is a significant event in life-course of individuals, and creates a system that characterizes societal and economic structures. Marital patterns and dynamics over the years have changed a lot, with decreasing proportions of marriage, increased levels of divorce and co-habitation in developing countries. Although, such changes have been reported in African societies including Namibia, they have largely remained unexplained.

Objectives and Methods

In this paper, we examined trends and patterns of marital status of women of marriageable age: 15 to 49 years, in Namibia using the 1992, 2000 and 2006 Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) data. Trends were established for selected demographic variables. Two binary logistic regression models for ever-married versus never married, and cohabitation versus married were fitted to establish factors associated with such nuptial systems. Further a multinomial logistic regression models, adjusted for bio-demographic and socio-economic variables, were fitted separately for each year, to establish determinants of type of union (never married, married and cohabitation).

Results and Conclusions

Findings indicate a general change away from marriage, with a shift in singulate mean age at marriage. Cohabitation was prevalent among those less than 30 years of age, the odds were higher in urban areas and increased since 1992. Be as it may marriage remained a persistent nuptiality pattern, and common among the less educated and employed, but lower odds in urban areas. Results from multinomial model suggest that marital status was associated with age at marriage, total children born, region, place of residence, education level and religion. We conclude that marital patterns have undergone significant transformation over the past two decades in Namibia, with a coexistence of traditional marriage framework with co-habitation, and sizeable proportion remaining unmarried to the late 30s. A shift in the singulate mean age is becoming distinctive in the Namibian society.     

Gender,Ethnicity, Marital Status,and Body Weight in the United States

Married individuals tend to be heavier than those who are unmarried, particularly men, and individuals in different ethnic categories vary in their involvement in marriage and in their body weights. We examined gender and ethnic differences in relationships between marital status and body weight using cross‐sectional data from the 1999–2002 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) for 3,947 women and 4,019 men. The findings revealed that compared to married men in the same ethnic category, white divorced men, black never‐married men, and all Hispanic men except for widows had lower odds of being overweight. Compared to married women in the same ethnic category, white women's weights did not significantly differ by marital status, black separated women had greater odds of being overweight, and Hispanic never‐married women had lower odds of being overweight. Associations of marriage with body weight appear to be at least partly contingent upon gender and ethnicity, which may reflect larger societal patterns of involvement in marriage, commitment to family, and body‐weight norms and expectations.     

Marriage structure and contraception in Niger

Analysis of the 1992 Niger Demographic and Health Survey showed that although roughly two-thirds of both polygamous and monogamous women approve of birth control, polygamous wives are less likely than monogamous wives to discuss family size or birth control with their husband or to plan on using birth control. The study suggests that characteristics of polygamous couples have caused polygamous women to be more resistant to birth control use than monogamous women. The polygamous women tended to be married to older men who had not gone to primary school and who desired more children than monogamous husbands. The influence of marital structure is not significantly associated with intention to use birth control when the husband's age and the wife's ideal number of children were controlled for in the multivariate logistic regression model suggesting that background social factors may be more influential. In fact, educational level and age at first marriage were significantly associated with attitudes towards birth control and also with marital structure.     

The Influence of Social Support on Quality of Life of Men Who Have Sex with Men in China: A Preliminary Study

The quality of life (QOL) of men who have sex with men (MSM) has received increasing attention in recent years. Our study surveyed the QOL and explored the influence of social support on QOL in Chinese MSM. A cross-sectional survey was conducted from September 2013 to March 2014 of 438 MSM in Huludao and Zhengzhou City, China. The results of univariate analysis showed that higher QOL scores were associated with receiving psychosocial counseling, higher health education, younger age and marital status of being single or unmarried p < 0.05). The structural equation model fitted well, with χ² = 2083.47 (p < 0.05), RMSEA = 0.07, and GFI = 0.88. Among the latent factors, social support, with a factor load of 0.47, had greater impact on QOL than demographic characteristics. Within social support, the item loads for psychosocial counseling and health education were 0.17 and 0.29, respectively. Basic demographic characteristics also influenced social support, with a factor load of -0.65. For demographic characteristics, the greatest item loads were for marital status and age (0.77 and 0.71, respectively). These findings suggest that strengthening social support, especially for older and married individuals, would improve QOL in MSM in China.     

Age Differences Between Spouses in a Brazilian Marriage Sample

Age differences between spouses were investigated in a Brazilian marriage sample. A study was made of 3,000 announcements of forthcoming marriages sampled from the newspaper Diario de Noticias de São Paulo, in September and October 1996. These announcements published in newspapers are a legal requirement for marriage. Men married women younger than themselves, and this tendency became more pronounced over the lifespan. There was only one exception: young men <20 years old married older partners. Young women married men older than themselves, but this tendency became less pronounced over the lifespan. Age differences between spouses violate the similarity-attraction rule, one of the strongest general principles of mate selection, but fit well with an evolutionary model.     

Legalization of consensual unions in Mexico

Abstract

There is ample evidence that there are important behavioral differences in Latin America between couples living in consensual unions and those who are legally married. In this paper, we examine the frequency of and variations in legalization of consensual unions in Mexico, using data from the 1976–77 Encuesta Mexicana de Fecundidad. Our results indicate that the frequency of legalization of consensual unions appears to have risen among recent cohorts. Women in first unions, those who start a union at older ages, and those who are more highly educated are also more likely to marry their partners. Our results also indicate that pregnancy does not appear to be a major factor precipitating legalization, and that whether a couple lived together before marriage has no effect on the stability of the marriage.     

The effect of marriage on utilization of colorectal endoscopy exam in the United States

Purpose: This study examines the association between marriage and colorectal endoscopy exam, and whether this association varies by gender and financial benefits of marriage including improved access to health insurance and pooled family income. Methods: Representative survey data of the non-institutionalized United States population were used from the 2000, 2005, and 2008 National Health Interview Survey. Analyses targeted persons 50-85 years of age without a personal history of cancer and with complete information on all study variables (n=21,760). Multivariate logistic regression was used to model marital status differences in the probability of undergoing a colorectal endoscopy exam with interaction effects used to model variation over time by gender, health insurance, and poverty level. Results: Married persons were more likely than unmarried persons to report ever having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam (odds ratio [OR], 1.21; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.12-1.29), and the difference between married and unmarried persons in the probability of undergoing a colorectal endoscopy exam remained stable over time. Married persons were more likely than unmarried persons to report having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam within the past 10 years (OR, 1.49; 95% CI, 1.15-1.95). For each survey year, married men were significantly more likely than women and unmarried men to report having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. For example, in 2008, 56% of married men reported having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam, compared to 49% of unmarried men, 52% of married women, and 50% of unmarried women. Among persons with health insurance, married persons were significantly more likely than unmarried persons to have undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. Among persons who were poor, there was no difference by marital status in the likelihood of having undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. However, among persons who were not poor, married persons were more likely than unmarried persons to have undergone a colorectal endoscopy exam. Conclusion: Given that colorectal endoscopy exams are a potentially life-saving procedure, persistently higher uptake of colorectal endoscopy for married persons over time may be an important health promoting benefit of marriage. Therefore, clinicians and policy makers should focus on improving the use of cancer prevention services among unmarried persons.     

Female Choice in Humans: A Conditional Mate Selection Strategy of the Krummhörn Women (Germany, 1720–1874)

The suitors' ownership of land influenced the marriage age of the women in the Krummhörn population (Germany, 1720–1874). This led to a characteristic distribution of the categories of land ownership of husbands by the wife's age at marriage: the younger the brides, the higher was the percentage of high-status males among their bridegrooms. But the natal status of brides did not exert any significant influence on their age at marriage. Moreover, socially hypergamous women married younger than those whose marriage meant a social drop. We have interpreted these findings as the expression of a conditional female choice strategy with age-dependent decrease in demands on a marriage partner: “If you are young, be very choosy and marry only a high-quality mate; the older you become, the more you must reduce your initial standards!” On the average this strategy was adaptive, because in this population land ownership correlated with the local reproductive success of a family.     

Fertility and post-reproductive longevity

We examine the effects of reproduction on longevity among mothers and fathers after age 60. This study is motivated by evolutionary theories of aging and theories predicting social benefits and costs of children to older parents. We use the Utah Population Database, that includes a large genealogical database from the Utah Family History Library. Cox proportional hazard models based on 13,987 couples married between 1860-1899 indicate that women with fewer children as well as those bearing children late in life live longer post-reproductive lives. As the burdens of motherhood increase, the relative gains in longevity of late fertile women increase compared to their non-late fertile counterparts. Husbands' longevity is less sensitive to reproductive history, although husbands have effects that are similar to those of their wives during the latter marriage cohort. We find some support for predictions based on evolutionary principles, but we also find evidence that implicates a role for shared marital environments.