A population model based on a life table that includes marriage and parity.

This paper presents a method for constructing a one-sex life table that incorporates age, marriage and parity. The life table is the basis for a generalized population model, with immediate extension to a stable population differentiated by age, marriage and parity status. The method is quite general and could be extended, without major modification, to more complex life tables.Computation of intrinsic rates of increase for a number of populations adjusted for age, for age and parity, for age and marriage, and for age, marriage and parity shows that adjustment for marriage accounts for most of the difference between the age-adjusted rate and the age-, marriage-, and parity-adjusted rate. Adjustment for parity without adjustment for marriage may be misleading.     

Age at return marriage and timing of first birth in India's Uttar Pradesh and Kerala states.

The study investigates the relationship between age at marriage and the length of first birth interval in two states of India: Uttar Pradesh and Kerala. Life tables of first-birth intervals and median first-birth intervals are computed for several subgroups of the study population. Multivariate hazards modelling technique is used to study the net effect of age at marriage, controlling for a multiple of socioeconomic factors. The result shows that the average first-birth interval varies by age at marriage and is much longer in Uttar Pradesh than in Kerala.     

Application of a marriage model in rural Bangladesh

The standard marriage model is evaluated with respect to its applicability in Bangladesh, so that reliable and consistent estimates of mean marriage age for females in Bangladesh can be made. The standard marriage model proposes that a person enters the marriage market and waits until marriage occurs. The distribution of age at entry into the marriage market is generally normal. The delays until marriage occurs are modelled as negative exponential distributions. In a population where marriage is universal, the standard schedule of 1st marriage frequencies developed by Coale and McNeil is a close approximation to the convolution of a normal curve and several exponential distributions G(x), the cumulative probability of marriage at age x. Since the standard distribution of age at 1st marriage is closely approximated by the convolution of a normal curve and several negative exponential distributions, the age at entry to the marriage market for females, and whether this is normally distributed, should be examined. 1 cross-sectional study in Bangladesh concludes that onset of menarche determines entry into the marriage market. The proportion of ever married females by single year of age which is available from cross sectional demographic surveys can be fitted to the Coale-McNeil model. Marriages in the rural areas of Bangladesh seem to follow the pattern of entering the marriage market at puberty, then waiting until actual marriage takes place. This model of entries and delays can also be fitted to cross-sectional data from rural Bangladesh. The use of the Coale-McNeil marriage model in rural Bangladesh is appropriate for estimating the mean age of marriage.     

Age at first marriage in Nepal: differentials and determinants

The aim of this paper is to investigate the differentials and determinants of female age at first marriage in rural Nepal. The life table technique was employed to calculate median age at marriage. The proportional hazard model was used to study the effect of various socioeconomic variables, and to identify the magnitude and significance of their effects on the timing of first marriage. The data were taken from a sample survey of Palpa and Rupandehi districts in rural Nepal. Both married and unmarried females of marriageable age were included in the survey. Median age at marriage was about 17 years for data from only married females, whereas it was about 18 years for data from married as well as unmarried females of marriageable age. Median age at marriage was about 16 years for uneducated females and 19 years for females educated up to intermediate or higher level. The analysis underestimates the median age at marriage for married females, probably due to right censoring. The risk of getting married early decreased gradually with increasing year-of-birth cohort. The risk of early marriage was higher among females of high socioeconomic status compared with those of low socioeconomic status. Females engaged in service married earlier than those engaged in household work. High socioeconomic status families are motivated, for religious and prestige reasons, to get their daughters married at an early age, preferably before menarche. Thus, education, occupation and age at menarche are the most powerful factors in deciding the timing of first marriage in Nepal.     

Probabilities of marriage in two outer Hebridean islands, 1861-1990.

A study has been made of the probabilities of marriage of females and males aged 15-49 (either as a whole or in 5-year age groups) in two Outer Hebridean islands, Harris and Barra. The results were compared with ages of marriage and with the frequencies of permanent celibacy. The marriages took place between 1861 and 1990. Median ages of marriage rose to maxima in the 1930s and 1940s, then fell steeply, levelling out latterly. Permanent celibacy was consistently high among females, but rose from much lower levels in males to maxima in the 1970s and 1980s. It is concluded that in these populations age at marriage and the extent of permanent celibacy are largely independent of one another. In both islands the overall probabilities of females marrying fell until the 1920s, and then rose. The last decades showed stability (Barra) and a fall (Harris). Males showed only slight falls to about 1910; data were absent for between 1911 and 1960, but subsequently there was little rise in probability. These overall changes seemed to be associated with reciprocal variations in probabilities in the younger and older age groups. Declining overall probabilities were associated with declines in younger and increases in older age-group probabilities, and vice versa. Non-parametric correlations between median ages of marriage and probability of marriage were negative and generally significant for the 15-19 age group. Among the older age groups coefficients were generally positive. There was some evidence of an association between probability of marriage and sex ratio in any group of potential mates. The effect appeared more marked among 15- to 19-year-old females. Local factors which might explain at least part of the decline in nuptiality for the greater part of the period under study include the decline in the fishing industry and the 'land hunger' which existed until the late 1920s. This decline is interpreted as a 'Malthusian' response to economic and social conditions, but it coexisted with a 'neo-Malthusian' strategy, in the shape of declining marital fertility. The 'Malthusian' strategy seems to have been largely abandoned around the 1950s, but it may have reappeared during the 1980s.     

Marriage form and age at first marriage: a comparative study in three counties in contemporary rural China

Using data from two surveys in three counties in which the prevalence of uxorilocal marriage differs greatly, this article analyzes the effects of marriage form, individual, family, and social factors on age at first marriage and spousal age difference. The results show that, under the Chinese patrilineal joint family system, compared with the dominant virilocal marriage form, uxorilocal marriage significantly lowers women's age at first marriage, increases men's age at first marriage, and consequently increases spousal age difference. Education, number of brothers, adoption status, marriage arrangement, and marriage circle also significantly affect age at first marriage for both genders. Age at first marriage and spousal age difference vary greatly among the three counties. These findings address the process and consequences of change in rural family and marriage customs during the current demographic and social transition and may help to promote later marriage and later childbearing under the present low fertility conditions in rural China.     

The role of migration processes in the formation of marriage structure of Moscow population. II. Assortative mating for the age, birthplace and nationality

Positive assortative mating for age at marriage, birthplace and nationality has been revealed by means of sample analysis of couples married in Moscow in 1955 and 1980. The correlation coefficient between mates for age at marriage was r = 0.81 in 1955 and r = 0.88 in 1980; the age difference between spouses had a mean of 1.55 and 2.21 years, respectively. The determinative role of migration in forming Moscow population marriage structure accounts for the fact that the greater part of marriages registered in the capital are between migrants from various regions of the USSR or between the Moscow-born and the migrants. The proportion of marriages between individuals born in Moscow has increased over 25 years from 10 to 38%, these values being significantly higher than those expected under random mating between the migrants and the Moscow-born. The contingency coefficient measuring the association between the birthplaces of husband and wife was K = 0.16 in 1955 and K = 0.11 in 1980, the preferential marriage between mates born in the same region being still significant even when marriages are registered in Moscow. The highest degrees of assortative mating were observed for nationality character: K = 0.37 in 1955 and K = 0.28 in 1980. The decrease in these values over the past 25 years has resulted in a slight growth of the proportion of international marriages (from 14.75 to 16.53%) which has not yet reached the level expected under panmixia (about 21%).     

Decline in coital rates with spouses' ages and duration of marriage

Cross-sectional and longitudinal study begun in 1974 of a large U.S. urban sample confirms that mean marital coital rates decline very rapidly over the 1st year of marriage. They seem to halve over the 1st year of marriage, and they they take perhaps another 20 years to halve again. This pattern of decline is interpreted as evidence against the suggestion that coital rates are closely related to female hormone levels. The higher correlation of marital coital rates with wife's age than with husband's age, it is argued here, is because wife's age is more closely associated than husband's age with duration of marriage (here seen as the most important of these 3 variables in the determination of coital rates). This is because of the substantially smaller variance of wife's age at marriage than husband's age at marriage. Maximum age at the beginning of the study was 44 for wives.     

Socioeconomic factors affecting first marriage and birth rates by sex and age in the total Japanese population.

The effects of a wide variety of social, economic and demographic factors on age-specific first marriage and live birth rates in 46 Japanese prefectures were analyzed using stepwise regression analysis for 1970 and again for 1975 after classification of those twenty-two factors by factor analysis. The principal results were as follows: (1) high employment (high income) and social mobility caused by industrialization had a strongly positive influence on the first marriage and birth rates for young females, (2) rural and urban residence factors had positive effects on the marriage and birth rates for young males and females, respectively, (3) old age factor had an inverse effect on the marriage rates for both males and females over a wide range of ages, and (4) young age factor promoted the birth rate for young and middle-aged females. The characteristics of the first marriage and live birth rates in Japan were discussed in the light of these findings.     

Early marriage and early motherhood in Nepal

This paper examines age patterns of first marriage and motherhood and covariates of early marriage, delayed consummation of marriage and early motherhood in Nepal using data from the 2000 Nepal Adolescent and Young Adult Survey (NAYA). Both unmarried and married male and female youths (age 14-22) were included in the survey. The analysis is based on 2800 urban youths and 5075 rural youths with complete information on the variables examined. Proportional hazard models are used to estimate covariates of early marriage and early motherhood, and logistic regression models are used to estimate covariates of delayed consummation of marriage. The results show that early marriage and early motherhood are quite common among Nepalese women, especially in rural areas. Early marriage is much less common among men. Delayed consummation of marriage is common among very young brides, especially in rural areas. The main covariates associated with early marriage and early motherhood are respondent's education, region of residence and ethnicity. The main covariates of delayed consummation of marriage are age at first marriage, region of residence and ethnicity. The study highlights the need to focus on less educated female youths in the Terai region in order to reduce the reproductive and child health risks associated with early marriage and early childbearing.     

Socioeconomic determinants of age at first marriage in Bangladesh

Using data from the 1976 Bangladesh Fertility Survey, multiple classification analysis was used to evaluate the effect of socioeconomic factors on age at 1st marriage. The independent variables considered were education, childhood and current residence, religion, work status before marriage, and husband's childhood residence, education, and occupation. Analysis was carried out for the total sample as well as for 3 birth cohorts of approximately equal size: 1) those born before 1940, 2) those born between 1940-50, and 3) those born after 1950. Of all the included variables, women's education has the strongest influence on the variation of age at 1st marriage. For all ever-married women, the mean age at marriage for women with primary education is 13.4 years, 0.9 years higher than for women with no education (12.5 years), and 1.2 years lower than for women with a high school education or beyond (14.6 years). Difference in means for cohorts indicate a gradually increasing influence of education on people's decision in marriage. Husband's education does not appear to be as important. Childhood residence has, directly and indirectly, a strong influence in marriage age. Among other factors, women's premarital work participation, as well as region and husband's occupation, are important. Since women's education, childhood residence, and work participation are the strongest socioeconomic variables affecting marriage age, the modernizing influences of education, urbanization, and female work participation should have an effect on the marriage pattern; this effect is consistent with that observed in other societies.     

How does marriage affect length of life? Analysis of a French historical dataset from an evolutionary perspective

There are broadly two explanations for why human longevity appears to be extended by marriage. First, there is the social explanation, whereby the companionship, division of labour and the economic support that marriage offers is thought to extend life. Second, there is a selective explanation, whereby those individuals with high potential longevity are more attractive to the opposite sex and therefore more likely to get married. Here we analyse the “TRA” dataset from 19th century France, using an evolutionary approach to address the question of why marriage is linked to longevity, focussing particularly on sex differences. The dataset is based on death and marriage records from all of France between 1798 and 1901 and includes information on age at death, marriage and wealth for individuals whose surnames began with the letters TRA. We find that marriage is positively associated with longevity, particularly for men. In part, this is related to the higher rate of deaths for single males during marriageable age, as compared to a higher rate of deaths for females during marriage. There is a positive association between wealth (at death) and longevity for individuals who were single or married at death, with a stronger effect for singles. Analysis of the effect of spousal age gap on duration of survival after first marriage indicates that men who were married to younger women lived longer, whereas the longevity of women was not associated with the spousal age gap. We put forward an evolutionary perspective on marriage and longevity, hypothesizing that there is an important role for sexual selection in the association between marriage and longevity, with women selecting on characteristics associated with longevity, whilst men select on characteristics associated with reproductive potential.     

Changes in age at marriage of women in rural north India.

There has been a dramatic increase in age at marriage for women in a rural area of north India. Age at marriage rose from under 12 years before 1930 to about 19 years in 1988, mainly as a result of socioeconomic development and advances in education of women.     

Socioeconomic and cultural differentials in age at marriage and the effect on fertility in Nepal

Age at marriage is one of the factors that influence the fertility behaviour of women, particularly in a society like Nepal where contraceptive use is low. Socioeconomic and cultural factors, particularly religion and ethnicity, are important variables in determining age at marriage in Nepal. Fertility was negatively related with age at marriage. Marriage duration had a greater influence on fertility than age at marriage, although these were strongly correlated.     

Mate selection and its impact on female marriage age, pregnancy wastages, and first child survival in Tamil Nadu, India

Marriage in Indian society is a religious duty. Consanguineous marriage is common, where individuals prefer to marry within their clan (a unilateral kin group based on either matrilineal or patrilineal descent). Keeping in mind that this form of marriage has certain disadvantages for social and biological as well as demographic aspects of individuals and families, the present study examines the influence of mate selection (i.e., close relatives, distant relatives, not related) on female age at marriage, pregnancy wastages, and survival status of the first child. The study was designed based on the information collected on a sample size of 3,948 married women aged 13-49 in Tamil Nadu, India, by the National Family Health Survey (NFHS), 1992. Results suggest that 48 per cent of women in Tamil Nadu marry their relatives. This practice of marrying relatives is high in rural areas, among Hindus, Scheduled Castes/tribes, and illiterate women as compared to urban areas, among non-Hindus, non-SC/ST, and educated women, respectively. The bivariate analysis reveals that women marrying their close relatives had low age at marriage and experienced a higher per cent of pregnancy wastage and child loss (first child) as compared to those women marrying their distant relatives or nonrelatives. The result is found to be consistent even after controlling for selected background variables through multivariate techniques (applied separately for age at marriage, pregnancy wastages, and the survival status of first child). Hence, this study suggests that steps should be taken to inform people about the problems of marrying close relatives through appropriate IEC programs in Tamil Nadu.     

Menarcheal age and subsequent patterns of family formation

We examine whether age at menarche affects age at first marriage or first birth using two samples of U.S. women. Data are drawn from the Tremin Trust, a longitudinal study of menstrual cycles that recruited white women who were students at the University of Minnesota and from a survey of a nationally representative sample of white women born between 1900 and 1910. Regression models with cubic splines were used to analyze the relationship between age at menarche and age at first marriage. Cox proportional hazard models were used to examine the effect of age at menarche on the interval between marriage and first birth. Unlike earlier work, we found that once secular trends in both age at marriage and age at menarche were taken into account, there was no evidence that age at menarche affects either age at marriage or the timing of first births in these U.S. women.     

Clinical implications of genetic susceptibility to diabetes mellitus

Abstract

Relatively little attention has been given to the interpretation of age‐at‐marriage differences in fertility. This paper discusses possible demographic and sociological sources of this differential. The argument is made that sociological interpretations deserve increased attention since most of the observed differential persists after control for likely demographic components (premarital pregnancy, unwanted fertility, and subfecundity) and for correlated social and background variables (education of self and parents, religion, farm background, number of siblings, whether respondent's parental family was intact, and husband's age at marriage). Multiple‐classification analysis is employed. The analysis concludes by noting that age at first birth has an even stronger relationship with fertility than age at marriage and that the sociological dimensions of age relevant to age at marriage are even more appropriate to age at entrance into motherhood.     

The relationship between legal abortion and marriage.

A study using the abortion-birth ratios for residents of each U.S. state for the second half of 1970 and for all of 1971 was done to determine if legal abortions reduced marriages. Data showed that trends were consistent with the hypothesis that a relationship exists between l egalized abortion-birth ratios and trends in crude marriage rates among states between 1967 and 1971 with reduction in crude marriage rates in the states with the relatively high abortion-birth ratios. Change in po licy on induced abortions may be responsible for the increased trend in the U.S. crude marriage rate from 1959-1970 and for its levelling off in 1971 and 1972. Analysis of data also suggested that there is a relation ship between less restrictive abortion policies and a decline in crude marriage rates. An estimation of the number of marriages postponed for at least one year following legal abortion indicated that about 1 abortion in 10 delays a marriage when all the decline in marriage rates were caused by increased abortions and when no legal abortions were subs titutes for illegal abortions. Results were obtained employing general measures for variables, but stronger relationships might be produced if more refined measures which consider race, age, parity, and marital status were introduced.     

A comparative study of determinants of uxorilocal marriage in two counties of China

Abstract

A strictly maintained patrilineal family system makes virilocal marriage almost universal and uxorilocal marriage rare in the history of rural China. Uxorilocal marriage can be divided into two types that may be termed, respectively, contingent and institutional. The former preserves family lineages in families without a son and occurs when uxorilocal marriage is uncommon. The latter serves practical economic purposes in families with sons and occurs when uxorilocal marriage is relatively prevalent. Using data from a survey in two counties of Shaanxi—Lueyang, where both kinds of uxorilocal marriage are prevalent, and Sanyuan, where uxorilocal marriage is rare and usually contingent—this paper employs logistic regression models in a quantitative comparative study of determinants of uxorilocal marriage in rural China. We show that the purposes and prevalence of the two types of uxorilocal marriage differ and that their determinants are also different in the two counties. In Sanyuan, the determinants are only a couple's sibling composition, membership in a large family clan, and educational level. In Lueyang, in addition to those determinants in Sanyuan, important contributions to the type of uxorilocal marriage include a couple's parental marriage type, age at marriage, adoption status, marriage arrangement, and their attitudes toward uxorilocal marriage. The results indicate the potential importance of encouraging uxorilocal marriage in rural areas as a means of mitigating demographic and social problems related to son preference, such as high sex ratio at birth and lack of old‐age security, which are projected for China's future.     

Menarcheal age and subsequent patterns of family formation

Abstract

We examine whether age at menarche affects age at first marriage or first birth using two samples of U.S. women. Data are drawn from the Tremin Trust, a longitudinal study of menstrual cycles that recruited white women who were students at the University of Minnesota and from a survey of a nationally representative sample of white women born between 1900 and 1910. Regression models with cubic splines were used to analyze the relationship between age at menarche and age at first marriage. Cox proportional hazard models were used to examine the effect of age at menarche on the interval between marriage and first birth. Unlike earlier work, we found that once secular trends in both age at marriage and age at menarche were taken into account, there was no evidence that age at menarche affects either age at marriage or the timing of first births in these U.S. women.