Women,Productive Roles,and Monetisation of the ‘Service Mode’ in Aboriginal Australia: Perspectives from Katherine,Northern Territory

Anthropological discussions of the creation of social value have tended to be exchange- and object-centered. Recently, however, some Australianists have been trying to develop ethnographically more appropriate formulations of ‘value’ among Australian Aboriginal people. This paper suggests that part of what is required is a critical and comparative perspective on the status of valued ‘things’ compared to other forms of value. It suggests a ‘service’ framework for understanding value in certain Australian Aboriginal contexts (see Sansom 1988), one in which being for, doing and giving are valued as ‘help’. There follows examination of aspects of this ‘service’ mode among Aboriginal people of the town camps of Katherine in the Northern Territory; of its transformation over the long term, following these people's recent, definitive entry into a welfare-based cash economy, and implications of this transformation especially for women.     

Historical Indigenous use of aquatic resources in Australia's Murray-Darling Basin, and its implications for river management

Summary Indigenous people demonstrably lived along rivers and around lakes and wetlands of Australia's Murray‐Darling Basin in pre‐European times. Waterways were, and continue to be, of major significance to the society and culture of Aboriginal peoples throughout Australia. Historically, they exploited most of the fauna – from mussels and crayfish, to fish and birds – and either ate, or used for other purposes, many species of aquatic plants. Such practices placed them in the role of environmental modifiers, a role played by all human groups from both past and present. They built sophisticated fish traps, cut gaps in river banks to allow fish to move on to floodplains, and there is evidence that they practised a form of fish culture by creating small impoundments in which small fish could live and grow in normally ephemeral tributary streams away from predatory larger fish. Knowledge of the numbers of Aboriginal people inhabiting the riverine regions of the Murray‐Darling Basin are sketchy, but at times large groups congregated for cultural reasons, facilitating fishing with extensively engineered fish traps, such as that at Brewarrina, on the Barwon River in New South Wales. At other times, densities may have been about 0.5 person per river kilometre, although this was certainly not evenly distributed and the calculation postdated deaths from smallpox. From archaeological and anthropological evidence, aquatic fauna and flora would have constituted between about 30% and 100% of the diets of Indigenous people historically, depending on season and location. As such, Indigenous people were very much a part of the ecology of aquatic ecosystems and their effects may have been profound. Despite this, their role in influencing these ecosystems has largely been ignored by contemporary freshwater ecologists and managers. Current management practices do not seem to have considered the loss of this component of riverine ecosystems, and there is little debate about how the historical part that Indigenous people played in shaping these systems and their biota might be incorporated into management generally.     

European Settlement and the Making and Unmaking of Aboriginal Identities

This paper explores variation and change in Aboriginal people's connections to places, and place‐related identity, as a function of their differential historical relationship to a town. Among Aboriginal people who have lived for some decades in camps around Katherine, Northern Territory, descendants of those who appear to have the most clearly discernable long‐term relationship with the area in the vicinity of the town do not relate to places, nor conceptualise them, in stereotypically ‘traditional’ terms. Their relationships to town and nearby places tend to be of an ideologically unelaborated, homely sort. Kinds of territorial relationships their antecedents can be shown to have had to the area have undergone dissolution. The paper seeks to develop discussion of such variation and the historical and sociological processes involved. The Katherine case brings the social and historical significance of ‘towns’ as sites of Aboriginal/non‐Aboriginal interrelationship into focus, and also requires a critical view of notions of ‘group’ that have tended to dominate recent public process and understanding in Australia.     

Aboriginal ‘Difference’ and ‘Autonomy’ Then and Now: Four Decades of Change in a Western Desert Society

In just a few decades, Aboriginal people living near Australia's Western Desert fringe have experienced an extraordinarily intense trajectory of change: from a highly autonomous nomadic existence, through ‘first contacts’, the pastoral and mission frontiers, the devastating impacts of alcohol and of Western lifestyle diseases, the outstation movement, resource exploration and mining, a long but largely successful struggle for native title, and much else. In this paper, notions of ‘difference’ and ‘autonomy’ are used to explore these transformations. The situation among the Mardu is here linked to the gulf between government policies and lived Aboriginal experience. If the self‐management thrust of 1970s policies achieved partial restoration of Aboriginal autonomy, recent Federal Government policies are intent on intervention to reduce difference and claw back some of that autonomy. Their determination to force Aboriginal people out of their ‘dysfunctional’ ‘cultural museums’ (homeland settlements) and into greater economic engagement ignores the crucial underpinnings of security and identity among remote Aborigines. The retention of difference, albeit at considerable social cost and entrenched disadvantage, is still strongly preferred by Mardu to the kinds of engagement with the dominant society that not only assault their sense of self but also threaten to overwhelm whatever autonomy remains to them.     

Mythologising culture

In western Sydney, I found an extreme version of what I propose is a national Aboriginal mythopoeia, that is, a powerful system of beliefs and practices in relation to Aboriginal people and culture. A reified Aboriginal culture is promoted at institutional sites and in reconciliation discourses that evokes the presence of something precious and mysterious that must be re‐read into local Aboriginal people, but which assiduously avoids their actual circumstances and subjectivities. The awkward relationships and avoidances evident in a western Sydney reconciliation group are posited as a benign example of this mythology, born of a ‘sentimental politics’ of regret and reparation at work in Australia. Unity between the state and civil society is evident here, thus requiring an analysis that goes beyond a critique of government policies and programmes as intentional and rational, and grasps the nature of the widespread desire for Aboriginality. Through ethnographic attention to the actual relationships of Indigenous people and others, anthropologists can avoid being complicit in this regressive, separatist construction.     

A ‘Cold-Case’ Review of Historic Aboriginal and European-Australian Encounters with Toxic Blooms of Cyanobacteria

Interest in preserving the cultural knowledge of Aboriginal Australians continues to rise. Various studies have erupted which aim to redefine knowledge that was once lost or obscured in writing and hitherto ignored. Recognising and acknowledging the traditional Aboriginal knowledge of the Australian environment helps to strengthen Aboriginal identity and gives credibility to the rising paradigm of ecotechnology in historic pre-European Australia. This review aims to establish knowledge of a traditional awareness of factors leading towards eutrophication in water resource management. Journals from pioneering explorers were examined for evidence of cyanobacterial blooms and examples of Aboriginal water resource management practices that aimed at avoiding health threats from poor water quality. Some cultural practices, focused on water resource management, are discussed with brief mentioned of the Waugal. It is concluded that in some cases the incorporation of scientific laws into mythology is a form of conceptual modelling compatible with science if examined carefully.     

The peopling of New Guinea: evidence from class I human leukocyte antigen.

This study utilizes newly developed direct DNA typing methods for human leukocyte antigens (HLA) to provide new information about the peopling of New Guinea. The complete polymorphism of eight Melanesian populations was examined. The groups included were highlanders, northern and southern highlands fringe populations, a Sepik population, northern and southern coastal New Guinea populations, and populations from the Bismarck Archipelago and New Caledonia. The study concluded that, based on HLA and other evidence. Melanesians are likely to have evolved largely from the same ancestral stock as Aboriginal Australians but to have since differentiated. Highlanders are likely to be descendants of earlier migrations who have been isolated for a long period of time. Northern highlands fringe and Sepik populations are likely to share a closer common ancestry but to have differentiated due to long term isolation and the relative proximity to the coast of the Sepik. Southern fringe populations are likely to have a different origin, possibly from the Gulf region, although there may be some admixture with neighboring groups. Coastal populations have a wider range of polymorphisms because of the genetic trail left by later population movement along the coast from Asia that did not reach Australia or remote Oceania. Other polymorphisms found in these populations may have been introduced by the movement of Austronesian-speaking and other more recent groups of people into the Pacific, because they share many polymorphisms with contemporary southeast Asians, Polynesians, and Micronesians that are not found in highlanders or Aboriginal Australians. There is evidence suggestive of later migration to Melanesia from Polynesia and Micronesia.     

Shifting Egalitarianisms and Contemporary Racism in Rural Victorian Football: The Rumbalara Experience

This article builds on our understanding of racism towards Aboriginal people in Australia through an examination of discriminatory belief structures pervasive in the mainstream community as evidenced through the important social field of country football in regional Victoria. It analyses the power and pervasiveness of the racial stereotyping that exists in some segments of the community by using Langton's (1997) notion of ‘iconic images' as well as discussing the importance of particular ideological motivations around values such as ‘egalitarianism’. This is achieved through analysing the views of players, supporters and officials of mainstream clubs towards the Aboriginal Rumbalara Football Netball Club. This analysis is structurally situated within a broader understanding of Australian national identity, in particular looking at the intersection of the powerful cultural domains of sport and evolving expressions of whiteness and egalitarianism.     

Preparation and use of plant medicines for farmers' health in Southwest Nigeria: socio-cultural,magico-religious and economic aspects

Background

Little is known about the use of bush medicine and traditional healing among Aboriginal Australians for their treatment of cancer and the meanings attached to it. A qualitative study that explored Aboriginal Australians' perspectives and experiences of cancer and cancer services in Western Australia provided an opportunity to analyse the contemporary meanings attached and use of bush medicine by Aboriginal people with cancer in Western Australia

Methods

Data collection occurred in Perth, both rural and remote areas and included individual in-depth interviews, observations and field notes. Of the thirty-seven interviews with Aboriginal cancer patients, family members of people who died from cancer and some Aboriginal health care providers, 11 participants whose responses included substantial mention on the issue of bush medicine and traditional healing were selected for the analysis for this paper.

Results

The study findings have shown that as part of their healing some Aboriginal Australians use traditional medicine for treating their cancer. Such healing processes and medicines were preferred by some because it helped reconnect them with their heritage, land, culture and the spirits of their ancestors, bringing peace of mind during their illness. Spiritual beliefs and holistic health approaches and practices play an important role in the treatment choices for some patients.

Conclusions

Service providers need to acknowledge and understand the existence of Aboriginal knowledge (epistemology) and accept that traditional healing can be an important addition to an Aboriginal person's healing complementing Western medical treatment regimes. Allowing and supporting traditional approaches to treatment reflects a commitment by modern medical services to adopting an Aboriginal-friendly approach that is not only culturally appropriate but assists with the cultural security of the service.     

Anthropology,Politics and the Changing World of Aboriginal Australians

Essentialism has become a fundament of Aboriginal activism in modern Australia, with the result that informed, first-hand empirical observations of anthropologists who chronicle the deterioration of life in many Australian Aboriginal communities tend not to be taken seriously simply because their authors are not ethnically ‘Aboriginal’. This problem has contributed to a relative absence of analysis of the economic history of Aboriginal Australians, fostering instead an approach that prioritises the political and cultural rights of indigenous people above the kinds of life-enhancing circumstances that are necessary for them to participate in the economy and create wealth. This kind of essentialism has also resulted in a disregard for the rights of indigenous people as individuals, rather than as communities seeking self-determination, especially with regard to the rights of women and children. The work of Professor Ronald M. Berndt and Dr Catherine Berndt should serve as an example for today's anthropologists in encouraging broader expert participation in debates on indigenous disadvantage, despite the threat of admonishment or criticism by Aboriginal rights activists wielding the weapon of racial priority or essentialism.     

The appropriation of an Aboriginal landscape in northern New South Wales

The attachment of Australian Aboriginal people to land has not only been amply documented by anthropologists since the late 19^th century, it is also one of their own enduring tropes of differentiation from non‐Aboriginal and “official” Australian state society. In the face of widespread and concerted alteration of the pre‐settlement landscape engendered by industrial and commercial development, Aboriginal people seek to reclaim or reappropriate remnants of a pristine environment untransformed by modern development. Alteration of the landscape, as far as Aboriginal people are concerned, also goes hand in hand with the progressive decimation of Aboriginal populations in the 19^th and early 20^th centuries through violence and disease. Contemporary Aboriginal communities seek to protect the sites of violent death, believed heavily populated with the frustrated spirits of the deceased, from disturbance, particularly by non‐Aboriginal people. In this chapter I discuss some of the anthropological implications of seeing landscape as a terrain of intercultural conjunction in such a bifold society in northern New South Wales, and what levels of transformation are and are not acknowledged by a marginal, minority indigenous population seeking to insulate their historical landscape from development.     

Land Tenure and Naming Systems in Aboriginal Australia

Naming systems play a prominent role in discussions of land tenure by Aboriginal people. Reference to one area of land and its owners is most commonly in terms of name ‘X’, whereas reference to another area of land and its owners is most commonly made in terms of name ‘Y’. Much of the analytical literature examines how these names refer to groups of people. There is considerable dispute as to whether the reference of these names suffices to determine disjoint groupings of owners that can be described by the term ‘clan’. This paper proposes that the analysis of linkages between names and areas of land should have priority over the analysis of linkages between names and groups of people. The evidence shows that the attachment of names to areas of land is more stable and consistent than their attachment to groups of people. There are differences in the ways that names attach to the landscape, and these differences are significant—they determine whether or not more than one name from the same system may be attached to an area of land. This paper focuses on two areas of Australia: the northern Kakadu‐Oenpelli area and the Timber Creek area (both in the Northern Territory). It shows that naming systems identify disjunctive areas of land as the targets for claims of primary ownership in both areas. These disjunctive areas may reasonably be described with the translation term ‘estates’. In the northern Kakadu‐Oenpelli area, corresponding to these estates, there are disjunctive groupings of owners, which may be termed ‘clans’. However, groupings of owners are not clearly disjunctive in the Timber Creek area, and there is little motivation for using the term ‘clan’. This paper proposes that this difference reflects a general pattern in Aboriginal Australia, with naming systems stably and consistently identifying ‘estates’ across much of the continent. They do not identify ‘clans’ with equivalent stability and consistency.     

Style and Meaning in Laura Art: A case Study in the Formal Analysis of Style in Prehistoric Art

The objective identification of animals depicted in the rock art of the Laura region frequently presents problems. An analysis of the combinations of zoologically diagnostic traits represented and of trends in body outline reveals that animal figures were drawn as fairly conventionalized schema. By analogy with contemporary Aboriginal art systems it is unlikely that the artists intended to paint generalized animal images, and it is suggested that other, possibly non-visual information may have been encoded in the Laura rock art system which enabled Aboriginal people to identify the paintings. A preliminary analysis of the distribution of paintings in some shelter groups of Laura art suggest that the identity of the shelter is likely to have been one of the factors involved in determining the species represented. This suggestion gains some support from the paintings of introduced animals, for which now and diagnostic artistic conventions were devised. The apparently greater need for explicit rendition of introduced species might be explained by the fact that traditional modes for image recognition could not be applied to these newcomers.     

Medical ethnobotany of the Albanian Alps in Kosovo

Background

The boreal forest of Canada is home to several hundred thousands Aboriginal people who have been using medicinal plants in traditional health care systems for thousands of years. This knowledge, transmitted by oral tradition from generation to generation, has been eroding in recent decades due to rapid cultural change. Until now, published reviews about traditional uses of medicinal plants in boreal Canada have focused either on particular Aboriginal groups or on restricted regions. Here, we present a review of traditional uses of medicinal plants by the Aboriginal people of the entire Canadian boreal forest in order to provide comprehensive documentation, identify research gaps, and suggest perspectives for future research.

Methods

A review of the literature published in scientific journals, books, theses and reports.

Results

A total of 546 medicinal plant taxa used by the Aboriginal people of the Canadian boreal forest were reported in the reviewed literature. These plants were used to treat 28 disease and disorder categories, with the highest number of species being used for gastro-intestinal disorders, followed by musculoskeletal disorders. Herbs were the primary source of medicinal plants, followed by shrubs. The medicinal knowledge of Aboriginal peoples of the western Canadian boreal forest has been given considerably less attention by researchers. Canada is lacking comprehensive policy on harvesting, conservation and use of medicinal plants. This could be explained by the illusion of an infinite boreal forest, or by the fact that many boreal medicinal plant species are widely distributed.

Conclusion

To our knowledge, this review is the most comprehensive to date to reveal the rich traditional medicinal knowledge of Aboriginal peoples of the Canadian boreal forest. Future ethnobotanical research endeavours should focus on documenting the knowledge held by Aboriginal groups that have so far received less attention, particularly those of the western boreal forest. In addition, several critical issues need to be addressed regarding the legal, ethical and cultural aspects of the conservation of medicinal plant species and the protection of the associated traditional knowledge.     

`Two Laws‘, Ontologies,Histories: Ways of Being Aranda Today

At Hermannsburg, in central Australia, Western Aranda people frequently propose that they live by ‘two laws’, Aranda law and God's law. This is a common phenomenon remarked throughout northern Australia and analysed by a number of anthropologists in the past. This discussion throws new light on the issue by interpreting `two-laws' talk in terms of a culture of encompassment that marks the emergence of historical or ‘ethnic’ identities as Aboriginal people make the transition from an autonomous world to one in which they must engage in the practices of European orders that can come to dominate their lives. The discussion deploys ‘ontology’ and ‘ethnicity’ in order to mark different magnitudes of difference that can shape Aboriginal experience today.     

Sickening Bodies: How Racism and Essentialism Feature in Aboriginal Women's Discourse about Health1

In the last decade there has been much interest in the concepts of ‘racism’ and ‘essentialism’ and the ways in which these notions have been appropriated by Aboriginal people to demarcate a specifically Aboriginal space (Cowlishaw 1986; Lattas 1993; Langton 1981; Morris 1988; Muecke 1992). Central to these concerns is the issue of black/white relations and the specificities of racial oppression. Following these concerns in this article I explore the nexus between the metaphorical dismemberment of self and the corporeal dismemberment of sickness which is reflected in the high mortality rates and disease patterns of Aboriginal people. I extend Fanon's concept that racism has the power to alienate ‘a man of colour’ from his own self-image to argue that it more than metaphorically breaks the human body (Fanon 1991). I provide a window into a much neglected area of research: how notions of illness and social relatedness are constructed in particular socio-historical circumstances. I explore the meanings of illness as expressed at the level of community and as a form of embodiment associated with unequal colonial relations. I focus on indigenous exegeses which articulate Aboriginal women's experience of illness and their sense of identity. I draw on the work of Leder (1990) to foreground a phenomenological view where selfhood is continually confronted by circumstances that make present the ‘body’ as a ‘sharp and searing presence threatening the self’. I also apply Sansom's (1982) model of illness and the significance of carers in an Aboriginal community to demonstrate a world-view of personhood that is diffused with other persons and things rather than a world-view that entails a highly individuated and bounded self. In this world-view adequate healing requires a reconstitution of social relations and a re-ordering of the racialised status quo.     

Aboriginal spirituality in a new age

Aboriginal people’s responses to different exogenous religious influences have not been uniform. Here I contrast Aboriginal responses to Christian cosmology with responses to New Age influences. I then explore the question of whether a comparison of classical Aboriginal religious thought with New Age ideas and values yields much in the way of similarities or compatibilities.     

Differences in cancer incidence by age at diagnosis between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people for cancer types included in Australian national screening programs

BackgroundThis study examined age distributions and age-specific incidence of screened cancers by Aboriginal status in New South Wales (NSW) to consider the appropriateness of screening target age ranges.MethodsThe NSW Cancer Registry identified invasive (female) breast, cervical and bowel cancers in people diagnosed in 2001–2014.ResultsAboriginal people were younger at diagnosis with higher proportions of breast and bowel cancers diagnosed before the screening target age range (<50 years) compared with non-Aboriginal people (30.6% vs. 22.8%, and 17.3% vs. 7.3%, respectively). Age-specific incidence rate ratios (IRRs) were lower/similar for breast and bowel cancers in younger and higher in older Aboriginal than non-Aboriginal people. All age-specific cervical cancer IRRs were higher for Aboriginal compared with non-Aboriginal people.ConclusionAlthough higher proportions of breast and colorectal cancers were diagnosed before screening commencement age in Aboriginal people, this does not necessarily indicate a need for earlier screening commencement. Other aspects needing consideration include benefits, harms and cost-effectiveness.     

Eco–Enterprises and <Emphasis Type="Italic">Terminalia ferdinandiana</Emphasis>: “Best Laid Plans” and Australian Policy Lessons

Eco–Enterprises and Terminalia ferdinandiana : “Best Laid Plans” and Australian Policy Lessons. This paper reviews practical policy lessons from trade in a dietary supplement (or nutraceutical) processed from Terminalia ferdinandiana (Combretaceae), which contains extremely high levels of natural ascorbic acid (vitamin C). Most production is from wild harvest by Aboriginal people, who get USD 14 per kilogram (kg) for picked, sorted fruit. However, the main Australian company involved is struggling to get the 12 tons/year it requires, and could market much more. Although Aboriginal people ideally should benefit economically from harvest of T. ferdinandiana, there are major challenges to this objective, including Australia’s high labor costs compared to Asia, Africa, and Latin America where T. ferdinandiana can be grown. In addition, although Australia is a signatory to and plays a leading role in the international Convention on Biodiversity (CBD), this has meant little in practice so far. “Cultural branding” and certification of organic, wild harvested T. ferdinandiana fruit collected by Aboriginal people working in partnership with commercial companies offers a possibility for Aboriginal people to continue to benefit from wild harvest or enrichment plantings. However, even the establishment of commercial horticultural production within Australia faces several challenges. For Australia to maintain and develop the international market, future development of this bush food must include: (a) implementation of existing international and national policies on protection of genetic resources; (b) formation of a producer association to increase production efficiencies; (c) functioning partnerships between Aboriginal producers and commercial partners that guarantee and expand reliable supply and develop cultural branding and certification as marketing tools; and (d) scientific research into improving T. ferdinandiana fruit yields and production methods, based on improved resource management and efficient processing methods.     

The divergence of traditional Aboriginal and contemporary fire management practices on Wik traditional lands,Cape York Peninsula,Northern Australia

Fire has been a critical component of Aboriginal culture and natural resource management in Australia for millennia. Aboriginal fire management in Northern Australia is widespread and, in some more remote areas, has continued relatively undisrupted despite widespread changes in tenure and land use. For the Wik people of Western Cape York, there has been a continued connection to their culture and traditional lands. Recently, Wik traditional owners have formed a ranger program which has secured funding to manage contemporary land management issues. This includes the landscape‐scale management of fire for biodiversity conservation and greenhouse gas abatement. Because the work is being conducted by Aboriginal people, with consent from traditional owners and on their traditional lands, there is an assumption that the activities are compatible with historical traditional land management and cultural practices. In this study, we use participatory action research to compare contemporary fire management with the current understanding of traditional Aboriginal fire management to assess objectively the compatibility of these two paradigms. We do this by combining the experience and understanding of traditional owners with anthropological and ecological perspectives. We find that contemporary fire management is applied across traditional cultural boundaries using methods such as aerial incendiaries. Financial incentives and contractual obligations associated with fire management are externally driven or include modern considerations such as the protection of infrastructure. In contrast, traditional fire management was the prerogative of traditional owners and was applied at fine scales for specific outcomes. Fire management was governed by rules that determined how people moved across the landscape and how resources were partitioned and shared. Supporting the implementation of Aboriginal burning alongside current fire management practices could lead to significant community engagement in such activities and is likely to have much better biodiversity and social outcomes.