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1.
Christian Mitgutsch 《Theorie in den Biowissenschaften》2003,122(2-3):204-229
Summary After the rejection of the idealistic “vertebral theory of the skull,” the basic idea of the theory had been taken up again
by the German morphologist Carl Gegenbaur. He proposed a metameric ordering system of the vertebrate head based on a comparative
investigation of selachians. This “segmentation theory of the vertebrate head” had a stimulating effect on comparative anatomy.
Traces of the basic ideas are still inherent in the biological sciences. Despite the fact that Carl Gegenbaur proposed a rather
phylogenetic approach, his systematic investigations remained on a typological level. It is argued herein, that the reason
for that was his inability to perform his comparisons independent of a rather intuitive a priori hypothesis about phylogenetic relationships, thus leaving no possibilities for testing homologies. This is exemplified by
Carl Gegenbaur’s choice of species for comparative work as well as his use of these species in comparative work. Choosing
species for comparisons is discussed. 相似文献
2.
Summary Comparative anatomy and zoology both have long academic traditions in Jena. At first, the two subjects developed in parallel
and had many similarites in research topics. This development is covered in the first part of the paper. The close relationship
between the two subjects started to break apart when Carl Gegenbaur and Ernst Haeckel were active at Jena University. In 1865
Haeckel became the first full professor of zoology in Jena, and zoology became more independent from comparative anatomy.
In the second part of our paper, we follow the developments in comparative anatomy in Jena from Gegenbaur’s immediate students
up until the end of Hans B?ker’s tenure in Jena in the mid-1930s. Certain subjects are in focus throughout this period, for
example vertebrate head morphology and development, (the “head problem”), the relationship between anatomy and biology, and
evolutionary questions. Some of these subjects have remained important research topics in zoology and comparative anatomy
in Jena until the present day. 相似文献
3.
Olaf Breidbach 《Theorie in den Biowissenschaften》2003,122(2-3):174-193
Summary The present study describes the conceptual framework of Adolf Naef’s idealistic morphology as presented at the onset of the
20th century. According to Naef, Haeckel’s and Gegenbaur’s approaches towards a phylogenetic biology were insufficient. He made
it clear that Haeckel’s ideas were based on typological morphology. Thus, Haeckel’s views on comparative biology pointed back
to pre-Darwinian concepts. Naef’s consequence was not to work out his own evolutionary morphology but to systematize the earlier
typological concept. Consequently, he separated comparative morphology from phylogenetic studies. This idea was adopted by
Hennig and was even imported into modern cladism. 相似文献
4.
Pinto S 《Culture, medicine and psychiatry》2011,35(3):376-395
In north Indian psychiatry, clinical attentions to women’s symptoms often involve scrutiny of emotions related to marriage
and its breakdown. In pharmaceutically oriented practice, relations are used to evaluate biologies, and drugs produce the
truth about relations at the same time that they produce the truth about bodies. In the process, clinical practice often involves
unmaking relations, generating loss, in certain instances, as a dire result. In this, a particular kind of clinical knowing
emerges, engaging broad cultural and historical connections between love and madness more than definitions of right and wrong
unions. In asking how disciplinary and relational modes of biomedicine converge, I argue that in north Indian psychiatry’s
attentions to women, rather than enforcing normative configurations of “the family,” biomedicine grapples with the gendered
fallout of kinship. 相似文献
5.
Alan C. Love 《Biology & philosophy》2007,22(5):691-708
“Functional homology” appears regularly in different areas of biological research and yet it is apparently a contradiction
in terms—homology concerns identity of structure regardless of form and function. I argue that despite this conceptual tension
there is a legitimate conception of ‘homology of function’, which can be recovered by utilizing a distinction from pre-Darwinian
physiology (use versus activity) to identify an appropriate meaning of ‘function’. This account is directly applicable to
molecular developmental biology and shares a connection to the theme of hierarchy in homology. I situate ‘homology of function’
within existing definitions and criteria for structural assessments of homology, and introduce a criterion of ‘organization’
for judging function homologues, which focuses on hierarchically interconnected interdependencies (similar to relative position
and connection for skeletal elements in structural homology). This analysis of biological concepts has at least three broad
philosophical consequences: (1) it provides the grounds for the study of behavior and psychological categories as homologues;
(2) it demonstrates that philosophers who take selected effect function as primary effectively ignore large portions of comparative,
structural, and experimental research, thereby misconstruing biological reasoning and knowledge; and, (3) it underwrites causal
generalizations, which illuminates inferences made from model organisms in experimental biology.
相似文献
Alan C. LoveEmail: |
6.
Thomas M 《Journal of the history of biology》2005,38(3):425-460
Historians of science have only just begun to sample the wealth of different approaches to the study of animal behavior undertaken
in the twentieth century. To date, more attention has been given to Lorenzian ethology and American behaviorism than to other
work and traditions, but different approaches are equally worthy of the historian’s attention, reflecting not only the broader
range of questions that could be asked about animal behavior and the “animal mind” but also the different contexts in which
these questions were important. One such approach is that represented by the work of the French zoologist Louis Boutan (1859–1934).
This paper explores the intellectual and cultural history of Boutan’s work on animal language and the animal mind, and contextualizes
the place of animal behavior studies within late-nineteenth-and early-twentieth-century French biology. I explore the ways
in which Boutan addressed the philosophical issue of whether language was necessary for abstract thought and show how he shifted
from the idea that animals were endowed with a purely affective language to the notion that of they were capable of “rudimentary”
reasoning. I argue that the scientific and broader socio-cultural contexts in which Boutan operated played a role in this
transition. Then I show how Boutan’s linguistic and psychological experiments with a gibbon and children provide insights
into his conception of “naturalness.” Although Boutan reared his gibbon at home and studied it in the controlled environment
of his laboratory, he continued to identify its behavior as “natural.” I specifically demonstrate the importance of the milieu of the French Third Republic in shaping Boutan’s understanding not only of animal intelligence and child education, but also
his definition of nature. Finally, I argue that Boutan’s studies on the primate mind provide us with a lens through which
we can examine the co-invention of animal and child psychology in early-twentieth-century France. 相似文献
7.
Trevor Pearce 《Journal of the history of biology》2010,43(3):493-528
In 1749, Linnaeus presided over the dissertation “Oeconomia Naturae,” which argued that each creature plays an important and particular role in nature’s economy. This phrase should be familiar
to readers of Darwin, for he claims in the Origin that “all organic beings are striving, it may be said, to seize on each place in the economy of nature.” Many scholars have
discussed the influence of political economy on Darwin’s ideas. In this paper, I take a different tack, showing that Darwin’s
idea of an economy of nature stemmed from the views of earlier naturalists like Linnaeus and Lyell. I argue, in the first
section of the paper, that Linnaeus’ idea of oeconomia naturae is derived from the idea of the animal economy, and that his idea of politia naturae is an extension of the idea of a politia civitatis. In the second part, I explore the use of the concept of stations in the work of De Candolle and Lyell – the precursor to Darwin’s concept of places. I show in the third part of the paper that the idea of places in an economy of nature is employed by Darwin at many key
points in his thinking: his discussion of the Galapagos birds, his reading of Malthus, etc. Finally, in the last section,
I demonstrate that the idea of a place in nature’s economy is essential to Darwin’s account of divergence. To tell his famous
story of divergence and adaptation, Darwin needed the economy of nature. 相似文献
8.
We argue that there is a continuum of cases without any demarcation between more individual and more cultural information,
and that therefore “culture” should be viewed as a property that human mental representations and practices exhibit to a varying
degree rather than as a type or a subclass of these representations and practices (or of “information”). We discuss the relative
role of preservative and constructive processes in transmission. We suggest a revision of Richerson and Boyd’s classification
of the forces of cultural evloution. 相似文献
9.
Toward the end of the 1930s, Bernhard Rensch (1900–1990) turned from Lamarckism and orthogenesis to selectionism and became
one of the key figures in the making of the Synthetic Theory of Evolution (STE). He contributed to the Darwinization of biological
systematics, the criticism of various anti-Darwinian movements in the German lands, but more importantly founded a macroevolutionary
theory based on Darwinian gradualism. In the course of time, Rensch’s version of the STE developed into an all-embracing metaphysical
conception based on a kind of Spinozism. Here we approach Rensch’s “selectionist turn” by outlining its context, and by analyzing
his theoretical transformation. We try to reconstruct the immanent logic of Rensch’s evolution from a “Lamarckian Synthesis”
to a “Darwinian Synthesis”. We will pay close attention to his pre-Darwinian works, because this period has not been treated
in detail in English before. We demonstrate an astonishing continuity in topics, methodology, and empirical generalizations
despite the shift in Rensch’s views on evolutionary mechanisms. We argue that the continuity in Rensch’s theoretical system
can be explained, at last in part, by the guiding role of general methodological principles which underlie the entire system,
explicitly or implicitly. Specifically, we argue that Rensch’s philosophy became an asylum for the concept of orthogenesis
which Rensch banned from evolutionary theory. Unable to explain the directionality of evolution in terms of empirically based
science, he “pre-programmed” the occurrence of human-level intelligence by a sophisticated philosophy combined with a supposedly
naturalistic evolutionary biology.
相似文献
Georgy S. LevitEmail: |
10.
Giambattista Brocchi’s (1814) monograph (see Dominici, Evo Edu Outreach, this issue, 2010) on the Tertiary fossils of the Subappenines in Italy—and their relation to the living molluscan fauna—contains a theoretical,
transmutational perspective (“Brocchian transmutation”). Unlike Lamarck (1809), Brocchi saw species as discrete and fundamentally stable entities. Explicitly analogizing the births and deaths of species
with those of individual organisms (“Brocchi’s analogy”), Brocchi proposed that species have inherent longevities, eventually
dying of old age unless driven to extinction by external forces. As for individuals, births and deaths of species are understood
to have natural causes; sequences of births and deaths of species produce genealogical lineages of descent, and faunas become
increasingly modernized through time. Brocchi calculated that over 50% of his fossil species are still alive in the modern
fauna. Brocchi’s work was reviewed by Horner (1816) in Edinburgh. Brocchi’s influence as a transmutational thinker is clear in Jameson’s (1827) “geological illustrations” in his fifth edition of his translation of Cuvier’s Theory of the Earth (read by his student Charles Darwin) and in the anonymous essays of 1826 and 1827 published in the Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal—which also carried a notice of Brocchi’s death in 1827. The notion that new species replace older, extinct ones—in what today
would be called an explicitly phylogenetic context—permeates these essays. Herschel’s (1830) discussion of temporal replacement of species and the modernization of faunas closely mirrors these prior discussions. His
book, dedicated to the search for natural causes of natural phenomena, was read by Charles Darwin while a student at Cambridge.
Darwin’s work on HMS Beagle was in large measure an exploration of replacement patterns of “allied forms” of endemic species
in time and in space. His earliest discussions of transmutation, in his essay February 1835, as well as the Red Notebook and the early pages of Notebook B (the latter two written in 1837 back in England), contain Brocchi’s analogy, including
the idea of inherent species longevities. Darwin’s first theory of the origin of species was explicitly saltational, invoking
geographic isolation as the main cause of the abrupt appearance of new species. We conclude that Darwin was testing the predicted
patterns of both Brocchian and Lamarckian transmutation as early as 1832 at the outset of his work on the Beagle. 相似文献
11.
Catherine Driscoll 《Biology & philosophy》2009,24(5):665-686
This paper critiques the competing “Grandmother Hypothesis” and “Embodied Capital Theory” as evolutionary explanations of
the peculiarities of human life history traits. Instead, I argue that the correct explanation for human life history probably
involves elements of both hypotheses: long male developmental periods and lives probably evolved due to group selection for
male hunting via increased female fertility, and female long lives due to the differential contribution women’s complex foraging
skills made to their children and grandchildren’s nutritional status within groups provisioned by male hunting. 相似文献
12.
Lisa Onaga 《Journal of the history of biology》2010,43(2):215-264
Japanese agricultural scientist Toyama Kametaro’s report about the Mendelian inheritance of silkworm cocoon color in Studies on the Hybridology of Insects (1906) spurred changes in Japanese silk production and thrust Toyama and his work into a scholarly exchange with American
entomologist Vernon Kellogg. Toyama’s work, based on research conducted in Japan and Siam, came under international scrutiny
at a time when analyses of inheritance flourished after the “rediscovery” of Mendel’s laws of heredity in 1900. The hybrid
silkworm studies in Asia attracted the attention of Kellogg, who was concerned with how experimental biology would be used
to study the causes of natural selection. He challenged Toyama’s conclusions that Mendelism alone could explain the inheritance
patterns of silkworm characters such as cocoon color because they had been subject to hundreds of years of artificial selection,
or breeding. This examination of the intersection of Japanese sericulture and American entomology probes how practical differences
in scientific interests, societal responsibilities, and silkworm materiality were negotiated throughout the processes of legitimating
Mendelian genetics on opposite sides of the Pacific. The ways in which Toyama and Kellogg assigned importance to certain silkworm
properties show how conflicting intellectual orientations arose in studies of the same organism. Contestation about Mendelism
took place not just on a theoretical level, but the debate was fashioned through each scientist’s rationale about the categorization
of silkworm breeds and races and what counted as “natural.” This further mediated the acceptability of the silkworm not as
an experimental organism, but as an appropriately “natural” insect with which to demonstrate laws of inheritance. All these
shed light on the challenges that came along with the use of agricultural animals to convincingly articulate new biological
principles. 相似文献
13.
Alter SG 《Journal of the history of biology》2007,40(2):231-258
This essay traces the interlinked origins of two concepts found in Charles Darwin’s writings: “unconscious selection,” and
sexual selection as applied to humanity’s anatomical race distinctions. Unconscious selection constituted a significant elaboration
of Darwin’s artificial selection analogy. As originally conceived in his theoretical notebooks, that analogy had focused exclusively
on what Darwin later would call “methodical selection,” the calculated production of desired changes in domestic breeds. By
contrast, unconscious selection produced its results unintentionally and at a much slower pace. Inspiration for this concept
likely came from Darwin’s early reading of works on both animal breeding and physical ethnology. Texts in these fields described
the slow and unplanned divergence of anatomical types, whether animal or human, under the guidance of contrasting ideals of
physical perfection. These readings, it is argued, also led Darwin to his theory of sexual selection as applied to race, a
theme he discussed mainly in his book The Descent of Man (1871). There Darwin described how the racial version of sexual selection operated on the same principle as unconscious selection.
He thereby effectively reunited these kindred concepts. 相似文献
14.
Seventy-five years ago, the geneticist Richard Goldschmidt hypothesized that single mutations affecting development could
result in major phenotypic changes in a single generation to produce unique organisms within animal populations that he called
“hopeful monsters”. Three decades ago, Sarah P. Gibbs proposed that photosynthetic unicellular micro-organisms like euglenoids
and dinoflagellates are the products of a process now called “secondary endosymbiosis” (i.e., the evolution of a chloroplast
surrounded by three or four membranes resulting from the incorporation of a eukaryotic alga by a eukaryotic heterotrophic
host cell). In this article, we explore the evidence for Goldschmidt’s “hopeful monster” concept and expand the scope of this
theory to include the macroevolutionary emergence of organisms like Euglena and Chlorarachnion from secondary endosymbiotic events. We argue that a Neo-Goldschmidtian perspective leads to the conclusion that cell chimeras
such as euglenids and dinoflagellates, which are important groups of phytoplankton in freshwater and marine ecosystems, should
be interpreted as “successful monsters”. In addition, we argue that Charles Darwin had euglenoids (infusoria) in mind when
he speculated on the “primordial intermediate form”, although his Proto-Euglena-hypothesis for the origin of the last common
ancestor of all forms of life is no longer acceptable. 相似文献
15.
Michael I. Coates 《Theorie in den Biowissenschaften》2003,122(2-3):266-287
Summary The Archipterygium is Gegenbaur’s most lasting contribution to the study of vertebrate limb evolution. This transformational
hypothesis of gill arches to limb girdles, rays to fins, and proposal of a vertebrate fin-limb groundplan, is generally treated
as a flawed alternative to the more widely accepted lateral fin-fold hypothesis of vertebrate limb evolution. When compared
to the phylogenetic distribution and diversity of fins and limbs, both hypotheses fail. Dermal skeletal lateral folds, spines
and keels originate repeatedly in vertebrate evolution, but paired fins with girdles originate at pectoral level and are anteroposteriorly
restricted. Pelvic fins emerge later in phylogeny; pectoral and pelvic appendages primitively differ. Endoskeletal girdles
never exhibit characteristics of gill arches. The emergent sequence of paired fin evolution depends upon phylogenetic hypotheses
within which extant agnathan interrelationships are uncertain; positions of jawless fossil fish along the gnathostome stem
are insecure; the fossil data set is patchy. However, certain features of the data set are robust. This has prompted a reconsideration
of Gegenbaur’s hypothesized arch-girdle relationship, and an iterative homology between scapulocoracoid and extrabranchial
cartilages is suggested. No transformation of arch to girdle is necessarily implied, but some signal of developmental relatedness
is predicted. 相似文献
16.
Cheryl A. Logan 《Journal of the history of biology》2007,40(4):683-725
In 1920, Eugen Steinach and Paul Kammerer reported experiments showing that exposure to high temperatures altered the structure
of the gonad and produced hyper-sexuality in “heat rats,” presumably as a result of the increased production of sex hormones.
Using Steinach’s evidence that the gonad is a double gland with distinct sexual and generative functions, they used their
findings to explain “racial” differences in the sexuality of indigenous tropical peoples and Europeans. The authors also reported
that heat induced anatomical changes in the interstitial cells of the gonad were inherited by the heat rats’ descendants.
Kammerer used this finding to link endocrinology to his long-standing interest in the inheritance of acquired characteristics.
The heat rats supported his hypothesis that the interstitial cells of the double gland were the mechanism of somatic induction
in the inheritance of acquired characteristics. The Steinach–Kammerer collaboration, Kammerer’s use of Steinach’s “puberty
gland” to explain somatic induction, and his endocrine analysis of symbiosis reveal Paul Kammerer’s late career attempt to
integrate endocrinology and genetics with the political ideals of Austrian socialism. With them he developed a bioethics that
challenged the growing reliance on race in eugenics and instead promoted cooperation over competition in evolution. I relate
his attempt to the controversies surrounding the interstitial cells, to the status of extra-nuclear theories of heredity,
and to Kammerer’s commitment to Austromarxist social reforms during the interwar period.
I am very grateful for the help of several archivists, including Valerie-Ann Lutz, Roy Goodman and Robert Cox at the American
Philosophical Society Library, Arlene Shaner at the New York Academy of Medicine, Shawn Wilson at the Kinsey Institute Library,
the staff at the Archives of the University of Vienna, and Yukiko Sakabe at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Thanks are also
due to Andreas Lixl, who gave very helpful advice on German language and to many colleagues, including three anonymous reviewers,
Paul Silvia, Alyce Miller, and the late Gilbert Gottlieb, who provided valuable comments as readers of earlier drafts. My
discussions with Veronika Hofer have been especially rewarding. The research was funded by National Science Foundation grant
#0240151. 相似文献
17.
Adam M. Goldstein 《Evolution》2009,2(2):326-333
I review George Levine’s provocative and highly original book Darwin Loves You. Levine, whose “home discipline” is English Literature, offers a compelling interpretation of Darwin’s works, evaluating
their content and Darwin’s prose style to identify a distinctly Darwinian attitude toward nature as a source of meaning and
value. Levine believes that Darwin exemplifies the capacity to feel “enchantment” about the natural world, suggesting that,
if Darwin’s example were followed, a “Darwinian re-enchantment of the world” would be brought about. This would offer a secular,
non-supernatural basis for purpose, meaning, and value. I conclude with a few critical remarks about the scope and cogency
of Levine’s proposal. 相似文献
18.
This article attempts to convey the joys and frustrations of skimming the Internet trying to find relevant information concerning
an academic’s work as a scientist, a student or an instructor. A brief overview of the Internet and the “do’s and don’ts”
for the neophyte as well for the more seasoned “navigator” are given. Some guidelines of “what works and what does not” and
“what is out there” are provided for the scientist with specific emphasis for biologists, as well as for all others having
an interest in science but with little interest in spending countless hours “surfing the net”. An extensive but not exhaustive
list of related websites is provided. 相似文献
19.
The notion of “pressure” as an evolutionary “force” that “causes” evolution is a pervasive linguistic feature of biology textbooks,
journal articles, and student explanatory discourse. We investigated the consequences of using a textbook and curriculum that
incorporate so-called force-talk. We examined the frequency with which biology majors spontaneously used notions of evolutionary
“pressures” in their explanations, students’ definitions and explanations of what they meant when they used pressures, and
the structure of explanatory models that incorporated evolutionary pressures and forces. We found that 12–20 percent of undergraduates
spontaneously used “pressures” and/or “forces” as explanatory factors but significantly more often in trait gain scenarios
than in trait loss scenarios. The majority of explanations using “force-talk” were characterized by faulty evolutionary reasoning.
We discuss the conceptual similarity between faulty notions of evolutionary pressures and linguists’ force-dynamic models
of everyday reasoning and ultimately question the appropriateness of force-talk in evolution education. 相似文献