Becoming voluntarily childless: An exploratory study in a Scottish city

Abstract

This paper looks at motives that inform the decision to remain voluntarily childless. It is assumed that voluntary childlessness is not a pathological condition nor is it determined by specific social situations. Situations provide the context within which motives emerge, in the case of voluntary childlessness providing individuals or couples with the opportunity to consider unconventional interpretations of family life that may eventually lead to its rejection. Individuals who become childless prior to finding a “partner” tend to come from families which deviated from the nuclear ideal and to reject parenthood. Those whose decision emerges after a “partnership” has been formed tend to have created alternative life styles and wish to protect the advantages of living without children. It is tentatively concluded that the proportion of couples remaining childless will increase.     

Factors in the incidence of childlessness in Canada: an analysis of census data

Due to the difficulties involved in attempting to determine the relative proportion of involuntary childlessness and of voluntary childlessness in a given population, many investigators insist that the problem can only be examined in small-scale studies using intensive psychological interviewing techniques. A method for assessing the causes of childlessness in a population using census materials is described. If a distinction is made between psychological and physiological causes, instead of between intentional and unintentional causes, it is possible to assess the relative importance of these causes using large-scale investigation techniques. Physiological causes include all physiological conditions which produce sterility. Psychological causes include both psychosomatic infertility and the voluntary decision not to have children. The method involves using the minimum rate of childlessness in a population group known to place a high value on fertility as an estimate of the rate of physiological childlessness in the population. This estimate is then subtracted from the childlessness rate observed in other population groups in the same society in order to determine the degree of psychological childlessness in these other population groups. This method was used to assess the causes of childlessness in Canada. Census materials were used to determine the minimum rate of childlessness among rural women in Quebec. Since this group is primarily Catholic and places a high value on children, its childlessness rate provides an estimate of the proportion of sterile couples in the population. This rate was then subtracted from the childlessness rates for urban Canadian women, and the remainder provided an estimate of psychological childlessness among urban women. Age of marriage was controlled for since rural women married at younger ages. Study findings were 1) the proportion of childlessness among urban women declined over the years as 15.2% of the women over 45 years old were childless while only 10.8% of the women, aged 30-44, were childless; 2) the proportion of physiological childlessness declined from 6.6% among women over 45 years old to 4.6% among women, aged 30-44; and 3) approximately 50% of the cases of childlessness among urban women were due to psychological factors. These findings do not support the contentions of some investigators that 10% of the population is sterile and that psychological childlessness is rare. Study findings were presented in tabular form.     

Infertile or childless by choice? A multipractice survey of women aged 35 and 50.

Eleven general practitioners examined the medical records of all women on their lists born in 1950 (617 patients) and 1935 (533 patients) to determine the prevalence of childlessness and specialist consultations about infertility. Eighty eight (14.3%) of the women born in 1950 and 41 (7.7%) of those born in 1935 were childless. Sixty eight women born in 1950 (11.0%) and 17 born in 1935 (3.2%) were considered childless by choice. Involuntary childlessness was found in 20 (3.3%) of the women born in 1950 and 24 (4.5%) born in 1935. Forty two (6.8%) of the women born in 1950 had consulted a specialist about infertility as compared with 19 (3.6%) born in 1935. This study found a significant increase in voluntary childlessness among the younger women; there was no evidence of a change in the prevalence of involuntary childlessness despite the increasing demand for specialist referral, which appeared to be made by women who were parous or destined to become so.     

Voluntary Childlessness Among American Men and Women in the Late 1980's

Abstract

Most studies of childlessness in the United States have relied on unrepresentative, opportunistic samples collected in a variety of ways. Thus, the relationship of various correlates to childlessness is not well known. Some studies have focused on demographic variables, but have not examined attitudinal factors associated with childlessness—something the opportunistic samples have been able to do. In this paper we examine both attitudinal and demographic factors associated with childlessness in the United States. The data used in this paper are from the National Survey of Families and Households collected in 1987 and 1988. The data set includes both demographic data, perceived advantages and disadvantages of having children, and attitudinal data about related social issues. Overall, the rate of voluntary childlessness was not high. Only 3.5 per cent of the men and 2.8 per cent of the women reported that they were childless and did not expect to have children. Only one category of people (unmarried men and women over the age of 35) had rates that exceeded ten per cent. A combined variable of age and marital status was the best predictor of childlessness. A scale of reasons or justifications for having children was the next best predictor. In addition, attendance at religious services, number of hours the respondents desired to work and education (for women only) were related to childlessness. Those who scored highly on measures of support for traditional families and support of extended families also tended to have lower rates of childlessness. Occupational status, religious denomination, and race, on the other hand, were not significantly related to childlessness. Measures of gender equality, religious fundamentalism, and support for mothers working were also not related to childlessness.     

Voluntary childlessness among American men and women in the late 1980's.

Most studies of childlessness in the United States have relied on unrepresentative, opportunistic samples collected in a variety of ways. Thus, the relationship of various correlates to childlessness is not well known. Some studies have focused on demographic variables, but have not examined attitudinal factors associated with childlessness--something the opportunistic samples have been able to do. In this paper we examine both attitudinal and demographic factors associated with childlessness in the United States. The data used in this paper are from the National Survey of Families and Households collected in 1987 and 1988. The data set includes both demographic data, perceived advantages and disadvantages of having children, and attitudinal data about related social issues. Overall, the rate of voluntary childlessness was not high. Only 3.5 per cent of the men and 2.8 per cent of the women reported that they were childless and did not expect to have children. Only one category of people (unmarried men and women over the age of 35) had rates that exceeded ten per cent. A combined variable of age and marital status was the best predictor of childlessness. A scale of reasons or justifications for having children was the next best predictor. In addition, attendance at religious services, number of hours the respondents desired to work and education (for women only) were related to childlessness. Those who scored highly on measures of support for traditional families and support of extended families also tended to have lower rates of childlessness. Occupational status, religious denomination, and race, on the other hand, were not significantly related to childlessness. Measures of gender equality, religious fundamentalism, and support for mothers working were also not related to childlessness.     

Childlessness among American women

Abstract

The rate of childlessness in the United States has increased over the last two decades. Changing or differential rates by different segments of society have important implications for society. Most previous studies have relied on unrepresentative opportunistic samples to identify those segments of society with lower or higher rates of childlessness. These types of samples may misestimate both the number of women planning to remain childless and the magnitude of the correlates of childlessness. The present study uses these previous studies to identify predictor variables, but tests their significance using a recent national representative sample of women in the United States, aged 20–44: Cycle III of the National Survey for Family Growth, collected in 1982. The most important demographic factors are marital status and fecundity status, followed by age, race or ethnicity, education of the respondent, labor force status, and region. Father's education and mother's education are slightly, but not significantly, related to childlessness. Contrary to findings from less representative samples, urban‐rural differences and religion are not related to childlessness.     

Pathways into childlessness: evidence of gendered life course dynamics

Using data from the first wave of the Netherlands Kinship Panel Study (NKPS) for 2867 women and 2195 men aged 40 to 79, this study examines to what extent educational, employment and marital pathways shape the likelihood of remaining childless, and whether these pathways are gendered. The findings indicate that women and men have distinctive pathways into childlessness. Educational attainment increases the likelihood of remaining childless among women only. A stable career increases the likelihood of remaining childless among women, but it increases the likelihood of entering fatherhood. Years without a partner is positively associated with childlessness among both women and men. Not having had a partnership and having had multiple partnerships are strong determinants of childlessness, especially among men.     

Characteristics of voluntarily and involuntarily childless wives.

Using data from the 1965 U.S. National Fertility Study, white childless wives 30-54 years old were categorized as voluntarily, involuntarily, or temporarily childless. These 3 groups were then compared along many demographic, socioeconomic, marital, and religious lines. It was found that voluntarily and involuntarily childless wives were similar across most characteristics and both groups were different from the temporarily childless women. This last group is considerably younger than either of the other 2 groups; this fact may account for the differences between this and the other 2 groups. Other literature on childlessness is cited and compared. The difficulties with categorization of childless wives are discussed. Before it is generally concluded that differences do not exist between voluntarily and involuntarily childless wives, it will be necessary to study data from younger women who benefited from the "new fertility regime" of recent years.     

Who remains childless?

Who are the men and women who are childless in their mid-30s? Life history data for a British cohort born in 1946 show that age at marriage and marital breakdown were clearly associated with childlessness. Women who were only children were more likely to be childless than those with siblings. Further, early menarcheal age, being highly qualified and having a high status occupation were indirectly related to childlessness. For men, particularly amongst those who had experienced a broken marriage, it was the most ambitious, the highly educated and those in professional occupations who were relatively more likely to be childless.     

Case-control study of whether subfertility in men is familial.

OBJECTIVE--To test the hypothesis that subfertility in men is familial and to examine the distribution of subfertility within families for consistency with a genetic cause. DESIGN--Case-control study and segregation analysis. SETTING--Two teaching hospitals in Leeds. SUBJECTS--Cases (probands) were men with an abnormal sperm count who attended a subfertility clinic and whose partners had no major factor contravening fertility. Controls were fathers of two or more children recruited through vasectomy clinics or a maternity department. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES--The incidence of involuntary childlessness among brothers with partners and among sisters and second and third degree male relatives. When possible clinical and laboratory details were obtained from involuntarily childless brothers. RESULTS--Seventeen of the 148 (11.5%) brothers of probands but none of the 169 brothers of controls had sought medical advice for childlessness (P < 0.0005). Four probands had more than one involuntarily childless brother. There were six further brothers whose childlessness was thought to be involuntary bringing the total prevalence of subfertility among brothers of probands to 16%. Segregation analysis was consistent with an autosomal recessive mode of inheritance accounting for 60% of subfertility in men. Seventeen of the 346 (4.9%) uncles of probands and 10 of 420 (2.8%) uncles of controls were reported to be involuntarily childless (P = 0.09), but there was no difference in childlessness among sisters. In three families sperm counts from "affected" brothers confirmed the diagnosis and showed considerable similarities within but not between families. CONCLUSION--Subfertility in men has a familial component, and the observations are consistent with an autosomal recessive mode of inheritance in over half the cases. Several different genes are probably involved.     

The effects of sex and childlessness on the association between status and reproductive output in modern society

Examining the association between socioeconomic status and reproductive output in modern societies has led to conflicting results. In this study, we used a representative sample of contemporary Swedish men and women to analyze possible reasons for the contradictory results. We found that the relationship between socioeconomic status—described here by income and highest educational level attained—and reproductive output is dependent on sex and the inclusion or exclusion of childless individuals. In men, there is a strong positive association between income/education and average offspring count if childless individuals are included in the analysis; this association is absent when such individuals are excluded. We attribute this reversal mainly to the higher proportion of childless individuals among men of lower socioeconomic background. Among other factors, female choice appears to be a major cause of this association because the proportion of men who never married increased with decreasing income category and educational level. In women, however, including and excluding childless individuals both yielded a negative association between income and average offspring count as well as a null or negative relationship between education and average offspring count.     

Understanding the Social Meaning of Infertility and Childbearing: A Qualitative Study of the Perception of Childbearing and Childlessness in Northern Ghana

Background

Infertility is a major medical condition that affects many married couples in sub-Saharan African and as such associated with several social meanings. This study therefore explored community''s perception of childbearing and childlessness in Northern Ghana using the Upper West Region as a case study.

Methods

The study was exploratory and qualitative using in-depth and key informant interviews and focus group discussions. Fifteen marriage unions with infertility (childless), forty-five couples with children, and eight key informants were purposively sampled and interviewed using a semi-structured interview guides. Three focus group discussions were also carried out, one for childless women, one for women with children and one with men with children. The data collected were transcribed, coded, arranged, and analyzed for categories and themes and finally triangulated.

Results

The study revealed that infertility was caused by both social and biological factors. Socially couples could become infertile through supernatural causes such as bewitchment, and disobediences of social norms. Abortion, masturbation and use of contraceptives were also identified as causes of infertility. Most childless couples seek treatment from spiritualist, traditional healers and hospital. These sources of treatment are used simultaneously.

Conclusion

Childbearing is highly valued in the community and Childlessness is highly engendered, and stigmatised in this community with manifold social consequences. In such a community therefore, the concept of reproductive choice must encompass policies that make it possible for couples to aspire to have the number of children they wish.     

Single women, voluntary childlessness and perceptions about life and marriage

42 single women who want to be childless, 18 who desire a 1 child family, and 42 who want 2 children responded to questions about the quality of their present lives and nature of future marriages. The groups of Australian women were closely matched for age and education, and on current quality of life there were few differences. They had similar levels of positive and negative affect, and described life as enjoyable, interesting, and contented. Those wanting to be childless, however, had rated life as less optimistic and less loving, and also as currently somewhat less satisfying, but life satisfaction was still quite high. These early deciders of childlessness, and those wanting only 1 child, wanted to be financially and socially more independent in future marriage type relationships than women wanting at least 2 children. They also expected to follow interests and careers to their fullest, wanted more role innovative partners, and were somewhat less concerned about home ownership, living to a budget, and keeping contact with family and friends. All women placed considerable importance on the need for trust, self-disclosure, and open communication in a relationship, although the voluntary childless rated more highly the need for intellectual stimulation and for each partner to be happy about the success of their mate. Compared to women wanting 2 children, those wanting to be childless expected a partner to perform a wide range of non-traditional roles in the home.     

Childlessness predicts helping of nieces and nephews in United States, 1910

The 'helpers at the nest' hypothesis suggests that individuals who are not currently reproducing often help kin by caretaking and thereby increase their inclusive fitness. Using a large scale historical dataset (Integrated Public Use Microdata Series sample of 1910; n=13,935), the hypothesis is tested that childless couples are more likely to fulfil such a role by taking care of a niece or nephew, but not a parent, than couples with children. Childless couples were significantly more likely to take care of a niece or nephew than couples with children. In contrast, couples with children and childless couples did not differ in caretaking of parents. Childless couples were also more likely to have more and younger nieces/nephews in their home than couples with children.     

Structural determinants of childlessness: A nonrecursive analysis of 1970 U.S. rates

Abstract

This study tests two theories accounting for observed relationships between U.S. rates of childlessness and sociodemographic characteristics using data on Black and white women aged 30–44 from the 1970 U.S. census. Traditional theory sees the observed correlations as spuriously caused by involuntary sterility, while voluntaristic theory interprets the associations as evidence of influences on the decisions of fecund couples to remain childless. We examine the two positions by estimating and then comparing the aggregate causal structures of childless rates and cumulative fertility rates of women with proven fecundity. The traditional approach expects little if any relationship, while the voluntaristic approach predicts high similarity between the two estimated structures. Results support the voluntaristic position and thus offer indirect substantiation of the voluntaristic theory of areal variation in childless rates.     

Childlessness,health, and marital satisfaction

Abstract

Data on the health and well‐being of 2,480 married couples in an urban area‐probability sample suggest that parenthood detracts from the physical and psychological health of husbands and wives, particularly among younger couples. Rates of joint marital satisfaction also were lower for active parents than for former parents and childless couples, regardless of the duration of the marriage and the wife's age and employment status. That parenthood may be detrimental to both health and marital satisfaction is suggested by the finding that former parents were better off than active parents on both indices, though not as well off as childless spouses.     

Month of birth related to fecundity and childlessness among contemporary women

To determine the associations of fecundity and childlessness with month of conception and to find a causal mechanism for these associations, we reanalyzed some of our previous data according to the predictions of the seasonal optimal ripening oocyte (SOptRO) and seasonal preovulatory over-ripeness ovopathy (SPrOO) hypotheses. Prime and minor SOptRO months as well as high-risk, no-risk, and very high risk SPrOO months were defined on the basis of a priori knowledge of the existence of ovulatory and anovulatory seasons in mammals and of the general birth distribution in Europe. The month of birth was assessed among 899 mothers with three or more children and 388 childless women extracted from a 1% sample of the Austrian population. The women with three or more children were born in excess during the prime and less often during the minor SOptRO months (chi2 = 2.81; p = 0.045; relative risk = 1.16; 95% CI = 1.01-1.33). This is in line with the SOptRO predictions. The childless women were more frequently born during the high-risk SPrOO months compared to the no-risk months but less often during the very high risk months. The linear trend (chi2 = 8.43; p = 0.009) is in line with the SPrOO predictions. We suggest that fecundity and childlessness are dependent on the gradient of oocyte maturation reflected by mother's month of birth, which may modulate future constitution.     

Socioeconomic status, marital status and childlessness in men and women: an analysis of census data from six countries

This study compares the effects of two distinct forms of human capital - income and education - on marital status and childlessness separately by sex in six different countries. Nearly 10 million individual records on individuals aged 16 to 50 were used from censuses from Brazil, Mexico, Panama, South Africa, USA and Venezuela dating from 2000 or later, to analyse the relationship between education, income and marital status and childlessness in men and women. Regarding income, the findings for both outcome variables are strongly consistent across all six countries. Highest-income males and lower-income females have the highest proportion of ever-married and the lowest proportion of childlessness (using a proxy for childlessness: own children in the household or not). There is no corresponding consistency of findings as regards education either between the sexes or among the countries. To conclude, a lower percentage of low-income men are selected by females, because for women male status and resources provided by men are important criteria in mate selection. Therefore a higher proportion of low-income men remain unmarried and childless. Thus selection seems to play a role in modern societies.     

Postponing or rejecting parenthood? Results of a survey among female academic professionals

The current surge in childlessness is often seen as an alternative lifestyle amidst growing pluralism and individualism. The results of this study indicate that several subgroups of childless women need to be differentiated: those who actively decide to forgo children in favour of other life pursuits and those who merely defer the decision. Both have accumulated a high degree of human capital in their education or career-building paths. Thus, the increase of a woman's time invested in education or career formation takes its toll on the time available for childrearing. A survey performed among female academics (N = 193) brought to light that among childless women, many merely mean to postpone motherhood until their career prospects are established. Differences between those who outwardly reject motherhood and those who defer the decision can be seen in a variety of job- and career-related aspects. However, due to misconceptions about fertility, many of those who merely intended to postpone children may inevitably end up 'involuntarily childless'. As this trend is most likely to increase in the near future, the resolution of this conflict will be an important milestone in the development of modern industrialized countries. As can be seen from this survey, financial benefits will not induce women to enter into motherhood. Rather, societal and infrastructural changes have to be brought about in order to induce women to enter into motherhood.     

What Do You Know about Reproductive Medicine? – Results of a German Representative Survey

Objective

The use of reproductive medical treatments has become increasingly routine in recent years. This paper reports on a study of how different aspects of modern reproductive medicine are perceived by the German population.

Design

Findings from a nationally representative sample of 2110 men and women aged 18 to 50 are presented. Participants responded to a questionnaire seeking self-report information about attitudes and knowledge regarding different aspects of reproductive medicine.

Results

The majority of respondents had already heard or read something about reproductive medicine; knowledge gaps were prevalent in men and individuals with lower levels of education. The decrease in female fertility usually was underestimated, whereas both the number of involuntarily childless couples and the success rate of reproductive medical treatment were overestimated. One-third of participants would make use of reproductive medicine to have their own child.

Conclusion

This study revealed inadequacies in the knowledge of the German general population regarding reproductive medicine. Despite the low interest and poor knowledge of the topic, a broad acceptance of reproductive medical methods was reported. The results illustrate the need for adequate information transfer regarding female fertility as well as success rate and risks of reproductive medical interventions.