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1.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(29):166-170
Abstract

Cultural ecologists, such as Steward and Shirnkin, hold that the core features of a culture, namely socio-political systems, are closely related to subsistence activities and economic arrangements which, in turn, are influenced but not ecessarily determined by the natural habitat of the group. A study of the Plains adaptations of the Piegan, Kiowa, Comanche, Plains Cree, and Plains Shoshone throw some doubt on this the sis. The Piegan (and other Blackfoot tribes), Plains Shoshone, and Kiowa share common forms of political organization with other Plains tribes but the Comanche and Plains Cree represent atypical cases in. this regard. The first three tribes developed pan-tribal sodalities while the latter two did not do so. The presence or absence of these pan-tribal sodalities conditioned the extent to which tribal integration occurred in these groups. The subsistence activities of these tribes alone do not account for the weak or strong development of pan-tribal structures. Factors in the total environment of each tribe, or niche, account for these differences. These differences in political organization cannot be attributed solely to differences in subsistence activities nor economic arrangements as they are influenced by the specific natural habitat of each tribe.  相似文献   

2.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(87):63-82
Abstract

This paper accepts Clark Wissler’s dictum, offered as long ago as 1915, in his pioneer study of Plains Indian clothing, that for such perishable objects as costume “real historic data is usually available.” Applying a combination of evidence provided by dated, first-hand, written observations, early drawings and later photographs, as well as selected well documented specimens preserved in museum collections to a study of historic Southern Plains Indian women’s body costume one finds that south of the northern limit of 180 frost-free days the prevailing women’s attire prior to the mid-19th century was a skin skirt and a poncho of the same material. In warm weather the poncho was often omitted sometimes exposing a wearer’s profusely painted or tattooed mammae. By the 1820s some women of affluent families made their garments of trade cloth. By the 1850s a long, trade cloth dress, with kimono sleeves and inset gores was becoming fashionable. This garment, in turn, was superceded among women of status by a three piece skin dress after buckskin became relatively scarce. The two piece skin dress which Wissler proposed as the “plains style” was never typical of the tribes of the Southern Plains. Rather the evidence argues against culture area uniformity in women’s clothing, while suggesting that climate and acculturation resulting from white contact strongly influenced a variety of dress styles among the women of the plains tribes. Indeed the body garments worn by women on the Southern Plains prior to 1850 strikingly resemble those depicted on classic figurines from Vera Cruz, Mexico, while they differed totally from garments worn by women of Northern Plains tribes during early historic times.  相似文献   

3.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(48):99-103
Abstract

Sexual intimacy as a means of transferring spiritual power appears to have been a Mandan-Hidatsa ceremonial trait borrowed by three Algonkian Plains tribes as part of the graded men’s societies complex. The Algonkian tribes modified the rite, which in the village tribes emphasized the role of father’s clan. The Arapaho emphasized the cosmic symbolism of the rite, the Atsina made it a test of self-discipline, and the Blackfoot stressed the dangerous power commanded by those who performed it. These modifications parallel the differences in kinship structure between village and nomadic Plains tribes discussed by Eggan.  相似文献   

4.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(56):143-155
Abstract

In the prevailing view of Plains experts the classic post-horse, post-gun agon (the total physical and psychological military complex) consisted of either two or three different types of military event, generally divided into “scalp raids” and “horse raids.” The literature on Plains agonistics indicates, however, that the Equestrian pattern of intergroup hostilities consisted of at least seven disti net types of military operations.  相似文献   

5.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(78):83-100
Abstract

Three lines of evidence bearing on the Crow-Hidatsa separation provide different dates for that separation, but dates which are consistent with the following generalizations: (1) The Crow began to diverge linguistically from the various Hidatsa groups no less than five centuries ago, and perhaps even earlier. (2) The Crow movement onto the Northwestern Plains was accomplished gradually, perhaps by band-by-band movement, rather than as one precipitous migration away from the Hidatsa. (3) Archaeological evidence from sites of the Mandan/Hidatsa continuum in the Missouri Valley suggest that the Hagen site, at least, probably dates at about A.D. 1675 – although alternative explanations for related sites suggest that the Crow moved into the Northwestern Plains several centuries earlier. (4) Ethnohistorical data suggest that the Crow separation dates from the mid-1700s. Rather than dating the initial separation of the two groups, the ethnohistorical data probably reflect the final severing of ties with the Hidatsa – a separation made final by the adoption of the horse.  相似文献   

6.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(79):13-29
Abstract

The striking similarity in basic terminological pattern among Plains tribes, and the absence of this pattern elsewhere in North America, is not accounted for by existing general theories of the evolution of kin terminologies. The development of this pattern is explained here in terms of a theory which abandons the assumption that terminological patterns are reflections of social structure. It is argued that the basic process in this development was the tactical or metaphoric extension of sibling terms to cross-cousins as a response to the increased importance of solidarity under the conditions of Plains life, and the subsequent incorporation of this extension into the meanings of the sibling terms. This hypothesis not only accounts for the distribution of terminological patterns in the Plains area, but illuminates the general relationship of kin terminology to social structure.  相似文献   

7.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(47):36-45
Abstract

In the perspectives of archaeology, it is evident that the widespread antler-handled fleshing adz used by most historic Plains Indian tribes was preceded in the region by other types of hafted skin-working tools. These, inferentially, varied in construction and materials from area to area, but were everywhere provided with planoconvex chipped stone blades - the familiar and omnipresent end scraper of the Plains. In early historic times in the Central Plains, curved antler handles with stone blades are thought from archaeological evidence to have been used not in adz fashion but with a pushing motion, away from the operator. The relative abundance, variety in size and form, and longevity as an artifact type of the plano-convex end scraper raises various questions that invite further inquiry.  相似文献   

8.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(89):199-216
Abstract

A general overview of the medicine bundle complex of historic Plains Indians is presented in order to elucidate its systemic components. A working definition of the medicine bundle complex is offered, based on the following criteria: acquisition, purpose. material makeup of the bundle, ritual use, and disposition. The underlying conceptual principle of power transfer is discussed in conjunction with these systemic components.By drawing on selected tribal examples, the structure and complexity of specific tribal manifestations of the medicine bundle complex or system are examined in light of ecological adaptations and organizational complexity. It is suggested that the complexity of tribally-oriented bundle systems within the sample are a function of the level of organizational complexity of the selected tribes. Organizational complexity, in turn, is seen as developing out of certain ecological conditions, augmented by the pre-horse cultural backgrounds of the representative tribes.  相似文献   

9.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(78):253-262
Abstract

One of the smaller mammals of the Creat Plains is the short-legged, slender-bodied, agile and aggressive weasel. The historic Indian tribes of this region did not eat the weasel, but the northern tribes snared these animals in winter to obtain their handsome white pelts. Winter weasel pelts were coveted items in both intratribal and intertribal trade and were used by many tribes to decorate war bonnets, and the finest men’s shirts and leggings. Whole weasels were sometimes tied to shields as war medicine, and some Siouan tribes carv, ed representations of the weasel at the ends of their wooden war clubs. Among the Plains Indians the association of the weasel with warriors’ clothing and weapons appears to have been derived from their recognition of the fighting qualities of the weasel.  相似文献   

10.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(36):222-232
Abstract

Aikens (1966) has proposed that Fremont-Promontory culture originated on the Northwestern Plains and representsan Athabascan migration into the Utah area at circa A. D. 500, their descendents, he suggests, were later forced back onto the Plains by the 12th century expansion of Shoshoneans from the Great Basin. He also proposes that FremontPromontory culture was ancestral to Dismal River culture. In this paper an alternative hypothesis is proposed, i.e., that Fremont and then Promontory cultures were sequential developments from an indigenous Utaztecan or proto-Utaztecan base and that there is no direct cultural relationship between theUtah cultures and the Dismal River aspect.  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

The epidemiological features of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS) were examined among American Indians in the southwestern United States. All FAS suspects were screened in specific populations of Navajo, Pueblo, and Plains culture tribes. A total of 115 alcohol‐affected children were identified. The incidence of FAS was found to be highly variable from one cultural group to the next, ranging from 1.3 per 1,000 births (1/749) for the Navajo to 10.3 (1/97) for the Plains. The pattern of age‐specific prevalence indicates an increase over the past fifteen years. The overall rate of mothers who have produced fetal alcohol children was 6.1 per 1,000 women of childbearing age with a range of 4 to 33 per 1,000. These maternal prevalence rates were important for the accurate prediction of public health risk because 25 per cent of all mothers who had produced one affected child had also produced others. The average per mother was 1.3 alcohol‐affected children. Other findings indicate that the mothers of these children led highly disruptive and chaotic lives and were frequently isolated from mainstream social activities. In general, the gross social and cultural patterns of the tribes studied can readily explain the variation in incidence of FAS.  相似文献   

12.
13.
MethodsBayesian phylogenetic analyses of plastid and nuclear DNA sequences were used to estimate intertribal relationships and lineage divergence times in Myrtaceae. Focusing on the fleshy-fruited tribes, a variety of statistical approaches were used to assess diversification rates and diversification rate shifts across the family.ConclusionsFleshy fruits have evolved independently in Syzygieae and Myrteae, and this is accompanied by exceptional diversification rate shifts in both instances, suggesting that the evolution of fleshy fruits is a key innovation for rainforest Myrtaceae. Noting the scale dependency of this hypothesis, more complex explanations may be required to explain diversification rate shifts occurring within the fleshy-fruited tribes, and the suggested phylogenetic hypothesis provides an appropriate framework for this undertaking.  相似文献   

14.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(78):162-176
Abstract

Large skeletal samples from cemeteries in the Northern Plains near Mobridge, South Dakota have made possible the accurate determination of craniometric relationships between populations ancestoral to the historic Arikara. There is considerable change throughout the approximately 200 years represented, due primarily to gene flow from adjacent Siouan speaking groups. Arikara crania from the Northern Plains are seen to be morphologically similar to earlier crania further south, in particular St. Helena materials in northeastern Nebraska. This offers Support for the archaeological hypothesis that Coalescent Tradition cultures grew out of the Central Plains Tradition. Early crania from the Northern Plains are markedly different from those in the Central Plains and more similar to historic Mandan. The craniometric evidence argues for biological continuity rather than replacement in the Plains area.  相似文献   

15.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(14):252-263
Abstract

An historical study of the Comanche kinship system throws new light on processes of kinship change. The Comanche are an unique group which underwent a long neriod of acculturation with little or no change in its system of kinship termirnology. Before the turn of the 18th century the Conanche were closely associated with the Northern Shoshoni of the Great Basin. In earlier times the Comanche, like the Northern Shoshoni, had a culture similar to the Westerr; Shoshoni groups of later periods, Toward the end of the 18th century both the Comanche and the Northern Shoshoni acquired the horse; this event produced numerous changes in Comanche culture, Later, when the Comanche migrated to the Southern Plains, further changes took place in their social organization.

In spite of these changes, the Comanche system of kinship terminology rermained remarkably stable. Both in pre-Plains and pre-horse times the Comanche had a balanced division of labor, bilocal residence, bilateral groups of kin, bilateral descent, and Hawaiian nomenclature. After their acquisition of the horse and their migration to the Plains, the bicentered division of labor became natricentered; and bilocal residence changed to natrilocal, But Comanche descent remained bilateral and ownership, private and individualized. This suggests that the stability of the descent and ownershin systems made for stability in kinshio terminology.  相似文献   

16.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(15):24-35
Abstract

Pictograph panels in central Montana reported containing masked anthropomorphic figures with symbolic arms and geometric chest designs; shield-bearing-anthropomorphic figures in panel with horse, Distribution of characteristics set forth, Possibly artists identified, Conclude that shield-bearing-anthropomorphic motif survived introduction of horses on Plains.  相似文献   

17.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(32):100-116
Abstract

This report is a follow up of the 1961 Kehoe-McCorquodale presentation in the Plains Anthrdpqlogist of the Avonlea point as a horizon marker for the Late Prehistoric Periood in the Northwestern Plains, Montana Avonlea data are discussed, compared and combined with Canadian data to develop an expanded picture of regional Avonlea “culture”. A critique of the kehoe-McCorquodale generalizations reinforces essential hypothesis and further clarifies Avonlea spatial and temporal parameters.  相似文献   

18.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(49):216-218
Abstract

Although Clark Wissler and Sister M. Inez Hilger have recorded the use of contraceptive charms by the Blackfoot and Arapaho, the Piegan specimen illustrated here may be unique to museum collections. Indications that use of these charms survived into the middle years of the present century suggest the possibility of obtaining more detailed information about their use among other tribes of Plains Indians through field work.  相似文献   

19.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(60):97-103
Abstract

The Northern Cheyenne, like most Plains reservation tribes, frequently hold public distributions of goods called give-aways. Give-aways occur throughout the year in order to honor individual Cheyennes and, through the obligation of reciprocity, intra-tribal and inter-tribal ties are established and maintained. The give-away exchanges and their functions are analyzed utilizing Marshall Sahlins’ typology of primitive exchange.  相似文献   

20.
《Plains anthropologist》2013,58(33):204-207
Abstract

The head and part of the neck of a baked clay horse figurine from an archaeological site in Lander County is described. It suggested the presence of the Grass Valley horse in Central Nevada reaffirms the strong cultural ties between the PlateauShoshone and the buffalo hunting; horse-nomad Shoshone of the Western Plains, ties already indicated by Shoshone pottery and other plains type artifacts indigenous to the area.  相似文献   

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