Skeletal evidence for Inca warfare from the Cuzco region of Peru

This article addresses the bioarchaeological evidence for Inca warfare through an analysis of 454 adult skeletons from 11 sites in the Inca capital region of Cuzco, Peru. These 11 sites span almost 1000 years (AD 600-1532), which allows for a comparison of the evidence for warfare before the Inca came to power (Middle Horizon AD 600-1000), during the time of Inca ascendency in the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400), and after the Inca came to power and expanded throughout the Cuzco region and beyond (Inca Imperial Period, AD 1400-1532). The results indicate that 100 of 454 adults (22.0%) showed evidence of cranial trauma. Of these, 23 individuals had major cranial injuries suggestive of warfare, consisting of large, complete, and/or perimortem fractures. There was scant evidence for major injuries during the Middle Horizon (2.8%, 1/36) and Late Intermediate Period (2.5%, 5/199), suggesting that warfare was not prevalent in the Cuzco region before and during the Inca rise to power. Only in the Inca Imperial Period was there a significant rise in major injuries suggestive of warfare (7.8%, 17/219). Despite the significant increase in Inca times, the evidence for major cranial injuries was only sporadically distributed at Cuzco periphery sites and was entirely absent at Cuzco core sites. These findings suggest that while the Inca used warfare as a mechanism for expansion in the Cuzco region, it was only one part of a complex expansion strategy that included economic, political, and ideological means to gain and maintain control.     

Warfare related trauma at Orendorf, a middle Mississippian site in west-central Illinois

Skeletal evidence of nonritual interpersonal trauma in the central Illinois valley is currently limited to the terminal prehistoric period in the region. Sixteen percent of the entire Norris Farms Oneota skeletal sample died violently, presumably because they intruded upon small groups of Mississippians who had not yet abandoned the region. Archaeological evidence of palisades, however, suggests that the region was embroiled in conflict before the Oneota arrived though the skeletal evidence supporting more than ritualized or geographically sporadic cases of scalping or embedded projectiles has been elusive. This study examines the frequency and nature of interpersonal trauma at Orendorf, a Middle Mississippian (AD 1150-1250) site at the northern periphery of the region. Nine percent (N = 25) of all 268 individuals documented at Orendorf suffered warfare-related trauma, including 13 cases of scalping, six instances of decapitation, five individuals with healed cranial blunt force trauma, three projectile point impacts, and eight cases of projectile injuries inferred by the burial context. All of the traumatized individuals were at or above the age of 15 years and males and females were victimized equally. The trauma rate among adults is 16%, which is less than that of the Norris Farms Oneota (34%) but higher than other Mississippian groups in the Southeast. The nature of the injuries is more consistent with attacks by outsiders than codified or ritualized intragroup violence.     

Interpersonal violence in prehistoric San Pedro de Atacama, Chile: behavioral implications of environmental stress

The prehistoric population of San Pedro de Atacama lived through periods marked by prosperity and interregional interaction, as well as times of severe drought, social stress, and widespread poverty. A sample of 682 crania was analyzed for evidence of cranial trauma in order to assess changing patterns of interpersonal violence during the occupation of the oasis. It was hypothesized that the level of traumatic injuries in this population would parallel some of the changes seen in the archaeological record. Low fracture rates would be expected in periods of affluence and environmental stability, while periods characterized by environmental extremes and state collapse would yield elevated rates of aggression. This analysis found that rates of trauma escalated from 5.1% (5/99) in the earliest period, to 10.9% (10/92) in the Middle Horizon (AD 600-950). Although it may reflect problems related to increasing population density in the oasis, this increase is surprising, given that the early period witnessed the shift to permanent settlements, and the middle period was one of prosperity and plentiful resource availability. Trauma rates peaked at 35.6% (16/45) in an early Late Intermediate period (AD 950-1400) cemetery, with other Late Intermediate cemeteries demonstrating similarly high rates of traumatic injury. The elevated trauma rates during this period correlate with major droughts, the concentration of settlements on the oasis' east side, fortified structures, and material poverty, all reflected in the archaeological record. As the Late Intermediate waned and environmental conditions improved, trauma concomitantly decreased (7.0%), and remained low throughout the Inka occupation (AD 1400-1532). This indicates that while the Atacama was not peaceful, violence became commonplace only during periods of great social change and resource stress.     

Ancient DNA from the Schild site in Illinois: Implications for the Mississippian transition in the Lower Illinois River Valley

Archaeologists have long debated whether rapid cultural change in the archaeological record is due to in situ developments, migration of a new group into the region, or the spread of new cultural practices into an area through existing social networks, with the local peoples adopting and adapting practices from elsewhere as they see fit (acculturation). Researchers have suggested each of these explanations for the major cultural transition that occurred at the beginning of the Mississippian period (AD 1050) across eastern North America. In this study, we used ancient DNA to test competing hypotheses of migration and acculturation for the culture change that occurred between the Late Woodland (AD 400–1050) and Mississippian (AD 1050–1500) periods in the Lower Illinois River Valley. We obtained sequences of the first hypervariable segment of the mitochondrial genome (mtDNA) from 39 individuals (17 Late Woodland, 22 Mississippian) interred in the Schild cemetery in western Illinois, and compared these lineages to ancient mtDNA lineages present at other sites in the region. Computer simulations were used to test a null hypothesis of population continuity from Late Woodland to Mississippian times at the Schild site and to investigate the possibility of gene flow from elsewhere in the region. Our results suggest that the Late Woodland to Mississippian cultural transition at Schild was not due to an influx of people from elsewhere. Instead, it is more likely that the transition to Mississippian cultural practices at this site was due to a process of acculturation. Am J Phys Anthropol 156:434–448, 2015. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Regional, social, and evolutionary perspectives on treponemal infection in the Southeastern United States

The origin and geographic distribution of syphilis, a form of treponemal infection, have long been regarded as among the most important medical riddles of prehistoric and historic disease evolution. In this study, we expand on previous discussions of the origin, evolution, and relationship of treponemal infections as they occur in the prehistoric southeastern United States. Individuals from 25 skeletal series (n = 2,410 individuals) were examined for cranial and dental lesions characteristic of treponemal infection. They lived between the Archaic period (8000-1000 BC) and protohistoric period (AD 1500-1600), and in physiographic zones from the coast to the mountains of Alabama, Florida, North Carolina, and Tennessee. Radial cranial scars were found for 47 individuals, but none of the four cases of dental lesions could be attributed to congenital syphilis. Differences in frequency of cranial lesions by region were minimal, with the least number of cases found for the mountains, but the frequency of positive cases tended to increase through time. It is suggested that increasing population density and changing behaviors, rather than novel strains of the treponemal pathogen, are responsible for the chronological increase in the frequency of positive cases.     

Differential visibility of treponemal disease in pre‐Columbian stratified societies: Does rank matter?

Treponemal disease is known to be associated with the compromised community health of permanent village settlement. This association explains its high visibility in the village‐based, arguably chiefdom level, agriculturalist societies of late prehistoric (AD 1300–1600) North America. Within chiefdom‐level societies, health differences have often been demonstrated between mortuary‐defined “elite” and “nonelite” individuals. This theoretically should predict status‐based differences in treponemal disease visibility. The prediction is tested in a five‐site osteological sample (N = 650) from the Dallas phase (AD 1300–1550), a simple mortuary‐defined two‐tiered presumptive chiefdom level maize agriculturalist socioeconomic context from lower east Tennessee. The Dallas phase results affirm a general pre‐Colombian North American pattern of no sex differences and display comparable adult to subadult frequencies. The study also reveals that given a sufficient sample size, “elites” do indeed exhibit a significantly lower frequency of tertiary stage treponemal disease. This can be attributed to better baseline health, which has been previously demonstrated in this sample. It may also be affected by the mortuary inclusion of achieved status individuals whose good health may have facilitated sociopolitical advancement. Another pattern that emerged is an apparent young adult age bias in disease visibility. This suggests that tertiary treponemal disease morbidity may either directly or synergistically factor in early adult age at death. Future research will address the veracity of this association. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2011. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Bioarchaeological investigation of ancient Maya violence and warfare in inland northwest Yucatan,Mexico

This study investigates evidence of changes and continuities in ancient Maya violence and warfare in inland northwest Yucatan, Mexico from the Middle Preclassic (600–300 BC) to the Postclassic (AD 1050–1542) through bioarchaeological analysis of cranial and projectile trauma. It is hypothesized that the frequency of violence increases before the Classic Maya collapse and remains high during the Postclassic period. It is also hypothesized that the flat, open terrain was conducive to warfare and resulted in higher trauma frequencies than in other parts of the Maya area. Results show that the frequency of cranial trauma decreases before the Classic collapse and increases in the Postclassic, partially matching the expected chronological trends. The frequency of cranial trauma does not differ significantly from other Maya regions but the pattern does: for all periods, males have more healed injuries than females and they are concentrated on the left side of the anterior of the skull. Some injuries appear to be from small points hafted in wooden clubs. In addition, projectile trauma is evident in a scapula with an embedded arrowhead tip, the first such case reported in a Maya skeleton. Overall, these results suggest greater reliance on open combat and less on raids in this region compared with other parts of the Maya area, possibly due to the flat, open terrain, though the identification of perimortem trauma in both women and men indicates surprise raids on settlements were also practiced. Am J Phys Anthropol 154:140–151, 2014. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.     

Population structure and skeletal variation in the Late Woodland of west-central Illinois

This paper analyzes nonmetric trait variation in 11 late Late Woodland (ca. AD 700-1000) and one Mississippian (AD 1000-1300) skeletal samples from west-central Illinois from a population-structure perspective. Most of the sites are of the Bluff phase of Late Woodland in the lower Illinois River valley; others are from a nearby, contemporary archaeological phase. Late Woodland as a whole era (ca. AD 250-1000) was a period of marked population growth and expansion into new regional environments, trends that accompanied horticultural intensification in the area. Overall variation between sites was low, but males, females, and the total sample exhibited a significant geographic component to variation due to interregional morphological differences. The Bluff sites tended to group together relative to the non-Bluff sites. However, there was no significant geographic component to variation among the Bluff sites. The results are only partially consistent with archaeological data suggesting population growth and expansion through fissioning. Previous studies have demonstrated significant heterogeneity for nonmetric trait frequencies among Middle Woodland (ca. 100 BC to AD 250) sites, suggesting a Middle to Late Woodland change in population structure that lowered levels of morphological variation. This supports a model of increased intra- and interregional interaction from Middle to Late Woodland times developed from ceramic data by Braun and by Braun and Plog.     

Mississippians in motion? A population genetic analysis of interregional gene flow in West-Central Illinois

Population genetic and biological distance studies of Late Woodland and Mississippian populations from west-central Illinois have provided insight into a number of prehistoric demographic processes at the regional level. However, a formal analysis of diachronic interregional gene flow has not been attempted within a population genetics framework. In this study, cranial measurements of 489 individuals from 13 skeletal samples across the central and lower Illinois valleys are analyzed to address two central issues. First, the potential impact of Cahokia's decline and associated demographic events on the population structure of west-central Illinois Mississippians is examined. Second, the Mississippian and Late Woodland interregional migration patterns are compared to determine if geographic and/or cultural boundaries affected local population structure. Following Relethford and Blangero ([1990] Hum Biol 62:5-25), R matrix methods are utilized to calculate observed and expected phenotypic variances, minimum genetic distances, and F(ST) values in order to detect patterns of differential external gene flow over time. The results indicate that Late Woodland peoples had a larger sphere of biological interaction than Mississippians. In the Mississippian period, culturally imposed barriers paralleled geographic boundaries between regions such that the geographic distribution of biological variation closely adheres to a classic isolation-by-distance model. Further, intraregional population movement was a more significant contributor to Mississippian population structure than interregional gene flow, even during periods of sociopolitical strife. Small-scale intraregional shuffling is consistent with other recent studies of prehistoric Mississippian biocultural and geographic landscapes in the southeast United States.     

Survival cannibalism or sociopolitical intimidation?

Over the past two decades, archaeologists and physical anthropologists investigating the prehistoric Anasazi culture have identified numerous cases of suspected cannibalism. Many scholars have suggested that starvation caused by environmental degradation induced people to eat one another, but the growing number of cases as well as their temporal and spatial distribution challenge this conclusion. At the same time, some scholars have questioned the validity of the osteoarchaeological indicators that are used to identify cannibalism in collections of mutilated human remains. To address these concerns, this study attempts to reconstruct the behaviors that produced the Anasazi skeletal trauma by first examining ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and archaeological material for analogues useful for interpreting mutilated human remains and then correlating these analogues with the evidence from the Southwest. The patterns suggest that different behaviors are responsible for the Anasazi skeletal mutilation seen in different time periods. To explain these differences, the study employs game theoretical models that examine how changing social and physical contexts altered the sociopolitical strategies that Anasazi groups would likely have employed. The results suggest that violent mutilation and perhaps cannibalism was an intentional sociopolitical strategy of intimidation used during Pueblo II (A.D. 900–1100), while environmental changes after this period promoted resource-based warfare and the incidental skeletal trauma associated with this behavior.     

Biocultural interpretations of trauma in two prehistoric Pacific Island populations from Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands

Two Pacific Island skeletal samples originating from the inland site of Nebira, Papua New Guinea (1230–1650) and a coastal site on the small island of Taumako, Solomon Islands (1530–1698) were examined for evidence of skeletal trauma using a biocultural approach. The types of trauma identified were cranial trauma, postcranial fractures, and piercing and sharp force trauma. Both samples exhibit trauma (Nebira, n = 9/28, 32.1%; Taumako, n = 17/133, 12.8%). Postcranial fractures are significantly higher in males from Nebira (Fisher Exact P value = 0.025). The prevalence of cranial trauma (n = 6/28, 21.4%) is significantly higher in Nebira individuals (Fisher Exact P value = 0.007). There is no conclusive evidence of piercing trauma at Nebira unlike Taumako, which has four individuals with evidence of piercing or sharp force trauma. Both samples show evidence of interpersonal violence and warfare. The results suggest the environment may have contributed to the pattern of trauma at these sites. These patterns are discussed within their cultural and environmental contexts. Am J Phys Anthropol 142:509–518, 2010. © 2010 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Health status of the Neolithic population of Alepotrypa Cave, Greece

During the Neolithic, human health and lifestyle changed following the adoption of domesticated plants and animals and sedentism. This paper presents a study on human osteological remains from Alepotrypa Cave, an important and very well-preserved Late and Final Greek Neolithic site occupied from 5000-3200 BC. The Alepotrypa sample comes from primary and secondary burials as well as scattered bone, and consists of a minimum number of 161 individuals. It includes equal proportions of adults and subadults and males and females, is characterized by high child mortality, and falls within the range of other Neolithic sites in terms of age profiles and stature. The most frequent pathological conditions observed in this population are: 1) anemic conditions (cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis), mild or healed in manifestation, most probably of nutritional origin, resulting from a poor diet focused on terrestrial resources such as domesticated cereals; 2) osteoarthritis and musculoskeletal stress markers, indicative of increased physical activity and heavy workloads; and 3) elevated prevalence of healed, depressed cranial fractures, serving as evidence of violent, nonlethal confrontations. Teeth exhibit a low prevalence of dental carries and linear enamel hypoplasia. The overall demographic, pathological, and behavioral results are consistent with observations of Neolithic populations elsewhere in Greece and the Mediterranean.     

Kanzi: The ape at the brink of the human mind. By Sue Savage-Rumbaugh and Roger Lewin. New York: John Wiley & Sons. 1994. 299 pp. ISBN 0-471-58591-2 $24.95 (cloth)

The archaeological evidence of ancient cranial surgery is limited to cases of trepanation and cauterization. I report here on the only known case of cranial surgery in direct association with the osseous image of a nontrauma-induced soft tissue lesion (sinus pericranii). This case, from Alameda County, California (Late Middle Period, ca. 300–500 AD), is the earliest and only definitive evidence of invasive surgery from prehistoric North America.

1 Throughout this work, all reference to North American evidence excludes cases from south of the border between the United States and Mexico.

Because this individual presents the only bony evidence of cranial surgery other than trepanation or cauterization, it contributes substantially to our extremely limited understanding of medical practices in preliterate societies. © 1995 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Artificial cranial deformation in Pleistocene Australians: the Coobool Creek sample

Several authors have suggested that some Pleistocene Australian crania have been altered by artificial cranial deformation. The large sample from Coobool Creek has featured prominently in this debate. The present study reevaluates the evidence for artificial cranial deformation in this population using both a larger cranial sample and a more comprehensive set of measurements than those used in earlier work on this subject. Additionally, random expectation statistics are used to calculate statistical significance for these examinations. The results of this study agree with prior work indicating that a portion of this sample shows evidence for artificial deformation of the cranial vault. Many Coobool Creek crania display strong shape similarities with a population of known deformed individuals from New Britain. Coobool Creek crania 1, 41, 65, and 66 show the strongest evidence for deformation, but several other individuals from this sample also show clear evidence for culturally manipulated changes in cranial shape. This project provides added support for the argument that at least some Pleistocene Australian groups were practicing artificial cranial deformation.     

A Late Woodland Burial from Platte County,Missouri

Abstract

A skeleton of a female discovered in a grave located on the west bank of Short Creek, Platte County, Missouri provides some of the first evidence for mortuary practices and human morphology for the Western Missouri-Eastern Kansas Late Woodland. The burial is a bundle type, with most of the bones placed in a central heap. Analysis of the distribution of the bones indicates that some soh tissue was still adhering to the skeleton at the time of the secondary burial. Bones of the right hand and foot and the vertebral column from cervical 7 to the coccyx are the only remains preserved in anatomical order. Many of the long bones appear to have been broken and there is also some evidence for burning and fleshing of the skeleton before final interment. Measurements of the cranial and post-cranial skeleton are given for comparison with future Late Woodland discoveries.     

Nonmetric cranial trait variation and prehistoric biocultural change in the Azapa Valley, Chile

Historically, interpretations of both biological and cultural change within the prehistoric Azapa Valley, northern Chile, have cited large-scale population movements, with replacement from complex societies located in the adjacent highlands to the east. Biological estimates of this change have traditionally relied upon biodistance estimates, using craniofacial measures of both deformed and nondeformed skulls. In order to evaluate whether large-scale prehistoric migrations occurred in the Azapa Valley, we examine biodistance results from nonmetric cranial traits for eight mortuary samples that represent all time periods of prehistoric occupation of the valley. None of the mean measures of divergences (MMD) among mortuary samples examined by this study were significant. These results suggest biological continuity in the Azapa Valley during 5,000 years of prehistory, with nonsignificant gene flow during the late Middle Horizon (AD 750-1100) and Late Intermediate (AD 1100-1476) periods. Biodistance results also suggest endogamy within coastal and inland populations. The broader implications of these results are discussed.     

Late Pleistocene human evolution in Sicily: comparative morphometric analysis of Grotta di San Teodoro craniofacial remains

The paleoanthropological remains from Grotta di San Teodoro near Acquedolci (province of Messina, Italy) represent the oldest and largest skeletal collection yet found documenting human settlement of Sicily. The sample, attributed to the Late Epigravettian (between 14,000 and 10,000 years B.P.), consists of seven variously complete adult individuals (San Teodoro 1–7). We compare the cranial sample to an array of both prehistoric and recent samples using multivariate techniques including D² distance analysis, canonical variate analysis, cluster analysis, and multidimensional scaling. Overall, the San Teodoro cranial sample displays a morphometric pattern close to Western European groups of similar antiquity, in particular those from Central and Southern Italy. The morphometric affinities indicate that these people probably came from peninsular Italy by sea during the Late Epigravettian epoch. An alternative hypothesis is that they descended from immigrants that arrived by land during a low sea level episode corresponding to the maximum Würmian regression, about 18,000 years B.P, with gene flow accounting for the morphological homogeneity with the populations of peninsular Italy. The San Teodoro skeletal sample provides the first reliable evidence for human settlement of Sicily.     

Mississippian crinoid biodiversity,biogeography and macroevolution

Abstract: The biodiversity and biogeography of 217 genera of Mississippian crinoids from North America and the British Isles shed light on the macroevolutionary turnover between the Middle Palaeozoic and Late Palaeozoic Crinoid Evolutionary Faunas. This turnover resulted from steady differential extinction among clades during the middle Mississippian after crinoids reached their Phanerozoic peak of generic richness during the early Mississippian. This peak richness was primarily a function of Mississippian originations rather than Devonian–holdover taxa. North America had 100 per cent higher generic richness than the British Isles, but rarefaction analysis adjusts the difference to only 37 per cent higher. Rarefaction demonstrated that North America had increased biodiversity, compared to the British Isles, almost entirely among monobathrid camerates, disparids and primitive cladids. In contrast, diplobathrid camerates, advanced cladids and flexibles had the same generic biodiversity between regions, when compared using rarefaction. The early Mississippian radiation resulted from two primary causes: (1) the expansion of Tournaisian carbonate ramps following the Frasnian mass extinction of reef faunas and (2) the predatory release in the Tournaisian following the end‐Famennian Hangenberg extinction of durophagous fishes. A majority of crinoid genera from the British Isles are cosmopolitan. When combined with rarefaction analysis and evidence for more first occurrences in North America, this suggests higher origination rates in North America, especially when carbonate ramps were widespread. With the gradual reduction in the area of carbonate ramps from the early to late Mississippian, in conjunction with the radiation of new durophagous fishes, camerate crinoids in particular experienced continuous background extinction, without replacement, beginning during the earliest Viséan (late Osagean). By middle Viséan time (late Meramecian) advanced cladids were dominant in all settings. This resulted in the transition from the Middle Palaeozoic to the Late Palaeozoic Crinoid Macroevolutionary Fauna.     

Paleopedology and geochemistry of Late Mississippian (Chesterian) Pennington Formation paleosols at Pound Gap,Kentucky, USA: Implications for high-frequency climate variations

Climate during the Late Mississippian (late Chesterian) in the southern Appalachian Basin was characterized by alternating periods of aridity and humidity. Pennington Formation paleosols at Pound Gap record climate and ecological changes for latest Chesterian time, ending at the Mississippian–Pennsylvanian systemic boundary. Forty paleosols were identified, described, and assigned to seven pedotypes. Inferred soil orders considered as analogs include Histosols, Entisols, Inceptisols, Alfisols and Oxisols, but are dominated by Vertisols. Classification of an Oxisol was determined by field and geochemical evidence of intense leaching and kaolinite-dominated clay mineralogy. Field and micromorphologicial evidence suggests a polygenetic character of the Vertisols, resulting from changing soil drainage through time. Variations in soil drainage are quantified using proxy estimates of inferred soil processes such as base loss, leaching, lessivage, and oxidation. Using the CIA-K proxy, mean annual precipitation (MAP) estimates range from 519 to 1361 mm/yr. Changes in MAP correspond with variation in inferred soil processes. The flora of this time period, in response to variations in precipitation and soil drainage, also changes through time as evidenced by changes in abundance and depth of root traces. Reconstructed ecosystems range from sparse vegetative cover with shallow, tabular root systems in early Pennington soil development, to dense, deeply penetrating root systems suggestive of arborescent floral associations at the top of the succession approaching the Mississippian–Pennsylvanian boundary. This study provides greater resolution of changing climate and pedogenic processes than what is provided in previous studies of Late Mississippian climate, and suggests that the documented variability in paleosol types and soil drainage might represent the record of high-frequency climate changes likely associated with expansion and contraction of the paleo-Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ).     

Bone traumas in late antique populations from Croatia

We present the results of the analyses of traumatic bone injuries in two Late Antique (3r to 5th century AD) skeletal samples from Croatia: Zadar--located on the eastern Adriatic coast, and a composite skeletal series from continental Croatia consisting of skeletons from Osijek, Vinkovci, Strbinci, and Zmajevac. The osteological series from continental Croatia are related to settlements located on, or near the Danubian military border, while Zadar--350 km to the west, is located deep in the territory of the Roman Empire. Numerous historical sources describe barbaric incursions, as well as large battles related to civil wars during the Late Antique period in continental Croatia. Conversely, there is no mention of similar events in the Zadar region. In accordance with these data our analysis tests the hypothesis that the inhabitants of continental Croatia were exposed to greater levels of violence than those living in Zadar. Analysis of bone traumas in the two series shows a similar, relatively high prevalence of long bone fractures in both samples, with a slightly higher frequency recorded in Zadar. Both series exhibit a high frequency of cranial injuries with, once again, higher frequencies recorded in the Zadar series. Additionally, two perimortem cranial fractures (one caused by a sword, the other by a blunt object) were observed in Zadar. Some of the recorded traumas in both samples resulted from accidents, but a number of injuries clearly resulted from intentional violence of lesser intensity. Further multidisciplinary research incorporating osteological, archaeological, and historical analyses is necessary to confirm the results obtained from these samples.