Being Negro in Recife Brazil†: A Political Aesthetics Approach

In this article, we explore the role of cultura negra and what it means to be negro for a particular segment of the population of Recife, Brazil. We zoom in on participants in Terça Negra (negro Tuesday), one of the foremost weekly events in the city. For these participants, self-identifying as negro refers not principally to skin colour but to an emancipatory project based on the consciência negra (negro consciousness), the awareness that poor people have in common a history of oppression and discrimination originating in times of slavery. Following the theoretical framing of Jacques Rancière, we argue that what is at stake in cultura negra and the assertion of negro identity is a political aesthetics formed through disagreement with the dominant order. We conclude by stressing the political significance of these zones of egalibertarian practices in the margins.     

Does the Wage Gap between Private and Public Sectors Encourage Political Corruption?

We present a dynamic network model of corrupt and noncorrupt employees representing two states in the public and private sector. Corrupt employees are more connected to one another and are less willing to change their attitudes regarding corruption than noncorrupt employees. This behavior enables them to prevail and become the majority in the workforce through a first-order phase transition even though they initially represented a minority. In the model, democracy—understood as the principle of majority rule—does not create corruption, but it serves as a mechanism that preserves corruption in the long run. The motivation for our network model is a paradox that exists on the labor market. Although economic theory indicates that higher risk investments should lead to larger rewards, in many developed and developing countries workers in lower-risk public sector jobs are paid more than workers in higher-risk private sector jobs. To determine the long-run sustainability of this economic paradox, we study data from 28 EU countries and find that the public sector wage premium increases with the level of corruption.     

He Votes or She Votes? Female and Male Discursive Strategies in Twitter Political Hashtags

In this paper, we conduct a study about differences between female and male discursive strategies when posting in the microblogging service Twitter, with a particular focus on the hashtag designation process during political debate. The fact that men and women use language in distinct ways, reverberating practices linked to their expected roles in the social groups, is a linguistic phenomenon known to happen in several cultures and that can now be studied on the Web and on online social networks in a large scale enabled by computing power. Here, for instance, after analyzing tweets with political content posted during Brazilian presidential campaign,we found out that male Twitter users, when expressing their attitude toward a given candidate, are more prone to use imperative verbal forms in hashtags, while female users tend to employ declarative forms. This difference can be interpreted as a sign of distinct approaches in relation to other network members: for example, if political hashtags are seen as strategies of persuasion in Twitter, imperative tags could be understood as more overt ways of persuading and declarative tags as more indirect ones. Our findings help to understand human gendered behavior in social networks and contribute to research on the new fields of computer-enabled Internet linguistics and social computing, besides being useful for several computational tasks such as developing tag recommendation systems based on users'' collective preferences and tailoring targeted advertising strategies, among others.     

Political Systems Affect Mobile and Sessile Species Diversity – A Legacy from the Post-WWII Period

Political ideologies, policies and economy affect land use which in turn may affect biodiversity patterns and future conservation targets. However, few studies have investigated biodiversity in landscapes with similar physical properties but governed by different political systems. Here we investigate land use and biodiversity patterns, and number and composition of birds and plants, in the borderland of Austria, Slovenia and Hungary. It is a physically uniform landscape but managed differently during the last 70 years as a consequence of the political “map” of Europe after World War I and II. We used a historical map from 1910 and satellite data to delineate land use within three 10-kilometre transects starting from the point where the three countries meet. There was a clear difference between countries detectable in current biodiversity patterns, which relates to land use history. Mobile species richness was associated with current land use whereas diversity of sessile species was more associated with past land use. Heterogeneous landscapes were positively and forest cover was negatively correlated to bird species richness. Our results provide insights into why landscape history is important to understand present and future biodiversity patterns, which is crucial for designing policies and conservation strategies across the world.     

The Political Economy of ‘Trauma’ in Haiti in the Democratic Era of Insecurity

This article explores the challenges that emerge at the intersection of economies of compassion and terror: local, national, and international forms of humanitarian assistance; security practices in insecure social and institutional environments; questions of victimization and global reparations; and quests for justice, as revealed through an analysis of political violence and humanitarian interventions in Haiti during and after the 1991-94 coup period. Each domain is constrained by politics and history but can engender "occult economies" that challenge the intended consequences of restitution policies at international, national, and local levels of exchange. 'Trauma' and discourses about traumatic suffering are the hinge around which these economies pivot, generating new forms of political subjectivity for Haitian activists.     

Tibetan Pastoralists’ Vulnerability to Climate Change: A Political Ecology Analysis of Snowstorm Coping Capacity

Severe snowstorms on the Tibetan Plateau, which lead to large-scale loss of livestock, are projected to increase in intensity and frequency with climate change. At the same time, political-economic and institutional changes from the 1950s to the present have altered pastoralists’ ability to use various coping strategies. We take a political ecology approach to Tibetan pastoralists’ vulnerability to climate change by qualitatively analyzing how the efficacy of strategies of mobility, communal pooling, storage, and covering and sheltering livestock have been transformed over time in Nagchu, Tibet. Recent government projects have focused on emergency aid and providing shelters. However, these are less effective than mobility and less important than the availability of labor power. Mobility and labor power have been reduced by development and environmental policies, as well as by larger political-economic transformations. These transformations have shifted herders’ coping strategies from internal to external, increasing their reliance upon the state.     

Constituting ‘Asian women’: Political representation,identity politics and local discourses of participation

Political representation of ethnicized and other identities is a complex process, whereby identities are constructed and shaped through the competing claims of different collectivities. In the article I explore this process through a case study of a local authority community development project for Asian women. The analysis demonstrates that institutions are not neutral spaces in which contestations over collectivity are played out, but exert a constitutive impact upon the identities produced. Current theories of fluidity and instability in identities mean that collective identities must be staked strategically and contingently, determinant upon the political strategies appropriate within given institutional contexts.     

When Ingroups Aren’t “In”: Perceived Political Belief Similarity Moderates Religious Ingroup Favoritism

Motivated thinking leads people to perceive similarity between the self and ingroups, but under some conditions, people may recognize that personal beliefs are misaligned with the beliefs of ingroups. In two focal experiments and two replications, we find evidence that perceived belief similarity moderates ingroup favoritism. As part of a charity donation task, participants donated money to a community charity or a religious charity. Compared to non-religious people, Christians favored religious charities, but within Christians, conservative Christians favored religious charities more than liberal Christians did. Experiment 2 demonstrated that the perceived political beliefs of the charity accounted for the differences in ingroup favoritism between liberal and conservative Christians. While reporting little awareness of the influence of ideology, Christian conservatives favored religious charities because they perceived them as conservative and liberal Christians favored the community charity because they perceived it as liberal.     

“One People,One Blood”: Public Health,Political Violence,and HIV in an Ethiopian-Israeli Setting

Between 1984 and 1996, public health authorities in Israel maintained a secret policy of discarding blood donations made by Ethiopian-Israeli citizens and immigrants. Officials later attempted to justify this policy on the grounds that immigrants from Ethiopia were subject to high rates of infectious disease (especially HIV). In 1996, this led to an explosive and violent confrontation between Ethiopian-Israeli protestors and agents of the state, including police and public health authorities. This essay explores the cultural and political context of that confrontation, including the discourse of political violence which it occasioned. The conflict between Ethiopian-Israelis and the state was located within a wider set of political contexts, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was linked to it through a shared trope of spilled blood common to both. Cultural analyses which ignore this dynamic political context are in danger of seriously misrepresenting the meaning of the Blood Affair to its participants. At the same time, this essay also engages a critical analysis of the public health policies which led to the crisis. Public health and nationalist discourse reinforced one another at the expense of Ethiopian immigrants in general, and so-called Feres Mura Ethiopians in particular.     

Do Committees Ru(i)n the Bio‐Political Culture? On the Democratic Legitimacy of Bioethics Committees

Bioethical and bio-political questions are increasingly tackled by committees, councils, and other advisory boards that work on different and often interrelated levels. Research ethics committees work on an institutional or clinical level; local advisory boards deal with biomedical topics on the level of particular political regions; national and international political advisory boards try to answer questions about morally problematic political decisions in medical research and practice. In accordance with the increasing number and importance of committees, the quality of their work and their functional status are being subjected to more and more scrutiny. Besides overall criticism regarding the quality of their work, particular committees giving political advice are often suspected of being incompatible with democratic values, such as respect for affected parties, representation of diverse values and transparency in the decision-making processes. Based on the example of the German National Ethics Council, whose inauguration caused a still ongoing debate on the aims and scopes of committees in general, this paper discusses: (1) the requirements of modern democratic societies in dealing with complex scientific-technical problems; (2) the composition and organisation of committees working as political advisory boards; and (3) the appointment procedures and roles of laymen and experts, and here in particular of ethicists, who may legitimately be taken on by a committee. I will argue that bioethics committees do not necessarily endanger democratic values, but can considerably improve their realisation in democratic decision-making procedures--if, and only if, they do not act as substitutes for parliamentarian processes, but help prepare parliamentarian processes to be organised as rationally as possible.     

Discourses,Power Negotiations and Indigenous Political Organization in Forest Partnerships: The Case of Selva de Matavén,Colombia

While much research on forest partnerships hitherto has been focused mainly on the drivers behind their formation, the kind of actors and deals involved, and the factors that promote or hinder their success, much less attention has been paid to the dynamic relationships and processes inherent in these partnerships. Based on the study of a partnership process in an indigenous reservation in Colombian Amazonia covering a variety of projects, this paper seeks to fill part of this lacuna by analyzing the partnership as a dynamic ‘discursive battlefield,’ in which objectives and actions are being constantly negotiated. Actors in the Matavén partnership strategically incorporate discursive elements in order to pursue their own interests while also endorsing those that ensure the continuation of collaboration. We conclude that discourses are embedded in partnership micro-politics. On the one hand, discursive shifts occur as a reflection of power balances at given moments. On the other hand, discourses constitute indispensable resources with the potential to both enhance individual actor’s negotiating power and to create opportunities for compromise. Within an ongoing discursive tension between ‘conservation’ and ‘indigenous autonomy,’ flexible notions such as ‘territorial ordering’ prove to be successful in allowing space for manoeuvre and granting conceptual coherence to shifts occurring ‘on the ground.’     

Fijian Business—a Bone of Contention. Was it One of the Factors Leading to the Political Crisis of 2000?

In this paper I seek to cast light on a particular aspect of the background for the political crisis in Fiji in 2000. Before and during this crisis politicians and media kept hammering on the theme of Fijians' inferior position in the economic life of the country. The public argument in Fiji further emphasised the success of the Indians and that this in turn further marginalised the Fijians. It was frequently asserted that the Fijians needed affirmative action in order to get on in the modern business world and that the new Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry was favouring the Indians. The theme of this article is that the rhetoric used prior to and during the crisis was a reiteration of a longstanding discourse in Fiji. Similar arguments were used in the 1970s and 1980s, particularly as a means of legitimating the coup in 1987, and during the regime of Rabuka in the 1990s. My primary concern here is not to document the success or failure of Fijians in modern business enterprises, but rather to make clear how the dichotomy of business‐vanua comprises a variety of concerns and doubts related to modernisation, urbanisation, ethnicity, belonging, values and choices. By constantly discussing and exposing the interface between business and vanua, money and land, people seek to make sense of complex urban situations. The ongoing debate may be looked upon as a ‘work of coherence’ in Hannerz’ terms, and as such is a debate on modernity.     

Palms,Pastures, and Swidden Fields: The Grounded Political Ecology of “Agro-Extractive/Shifting-cultivator Peasants” in Maranhão,Brazil

This article examines transformations associated with changes in resource use and land cover dynamics in the community of São Manoel, Maranhão state, in the eastern Brazilian Amazon. The shifting cultivator peasants in São Manoel integrate swidden fields for annual cropping, the extraction of babassu palm products, and pastures for cattle ranching. Since the early twentieth century, predominant vegetative cover patterns have been altered from species-rich mature forests to secondary succession with babassu dominant to pasture or swidden fields containing palm stands of various densities. A grounded political ecology of resource use in the area suggests that management strategies and the resulting land cover dynamics integrate site-specific decisions of peasant producers. I discuss the trajectory of production strategies in São Manoel since the establishment of the community in the 1920s, and identify the multiple dimensions affecting resource use and environmental outcomes, with an emphasis on the period following land struggles and the recovery of peasant tenure rights in the mid-1980s. The analysis indicates that socionatural trajectories that optimize resource use and address the socioeconomic needs of the community include the maintenance of palm/pastures associations.     

A Blessing and a Curse? Political Institutions in the Growth and Decay of Generalized Trust: A Cross-National Panel Analysis, 1980–2009

Despite decades of research on social capital, studies that explore the relationship between political institutions and generalized trust-a key element of social capital-across time are sparse. To address this issue, we use various cross-national public-opinion data sets including the World Values Survey and employ pooled time-series OLS regression and fixed- and random-effects estimation techniques on an unbalanced panel of 74 countries and 248 observations spread over a 29-year time period. With these data and methods, we investigate the impact of five political-institutional factors-legal property rights, market regulations, labor market regulations, universality of socioeconomic provisions, and power-sharing capacity-on generalized trust. We find that generalized trust increases monotonically with the quality of property rights institutions, that labor market regulations increase generalized trust, and that power-sharing capacity of the state decreases generalized trust. While generalized trust increases as the government regulation of credit, business, and economic markets decreases and as the universality of socioeconomic provisions increases, both effects appear to be more sensitive to the countries included and the modeling techniques employed than the other political-institutional factors. In short, we find that political institutions simultaneously promote and undermine generalized trust.     

The Influence of Urbanism and Information Consumption on Political Dimensions of Social Capital: Exploratory Study of the Localities Adjacent to the Core City from Bra?ov Metropolitan Area,Romania

Background

The last two decades have seen a growing trend towards the research of voting behavior in post-communist countries. Urban sociology theorists state that not only space structures influence political participation, but also space structures are changing under the influence of global, local, and individual factors. The growing role played by information in the globalised world has accelerated the paradigm shift in urban sociology: from central place model (based on urban-rural distinction and on monocentric metropolitan areas) to network society (based on space of flows and polycentric metropolitan areas). However, recent studies have mainly focused on countries with solid democracies, rather than on former communist countries. The present study aims to analyze the extent to which a new emerging spatial structure can be envisaged within a metropolitan area of Romania and its consequences for the political dimensions of social capital.

Methods

The Transilvania University Ethics Commission approved this study (S1 Aprouval). The research is based upon individual and aggregate empirical data, collected from the areas adjacent to the core city in Brașov metropolitan area. Individual data has been collected during October 2012, using the oral survey technique (S1 Survey), based on a standardized questionnaire (stratified simple random sample, N = 600). The National Institute of Statistics and the Electoral Register provided the aggregate data per locality. Unvaried and multivariate analyses (hierarchical regression method) were conducted based on these data.

Results

Some dimensions of urbanism, identified as predictors of the political dimensions of social capital, suggest that the area under analysis has a predominantly monocentric character, where the rural-urban distinction continues to remain relevant. There are also arguments favoring the dissolution of the rural-urban distinction and the emergence of polycentric spatial structures. The presence of some influences related to the information consumption on all six indicators of the political dimensions of social capital under analysis suggests the occurrence of emerging forms of a space of flows. The identified effects of social problems associated with transport infrastructure and of migration experience on the political dimensions of social capital, also support the emergence of space of flows.

Conclusions

We recommend that, in the urban studies in former communist countries, conceptualization of urbanism as predictor of the political dimensions of social capital should consider both the material dimensions of space, as well as the dimensions of information consumption and migration experience.     

Ethnoprimatology without Conservation: The Political Ecology of Farmer–Green Monkey (<Emphasis Type="Italic">Chlorocebus sabaeus</Emphasis>) Relations in St. Kitts,West Indies

The driving force behind the mixed-methods ethnoprimatological endeavor is to effectively conserve nonhuman primates. In this article, I argue that ethnoprimatological research can meet this goal only by discarding the purely science views of conservation that dominate the current literature. By considering more than local ecological perceptions, their ideological agendas, and their levels of power via a political ecology framework, ethnoprimatologists can simultaneously socialize the ecosystems we study and contribute our ethological skills to advance traditionally humanist disciplines’ increased attention to a wider field of agents and structures that matter. I support these arguments through an examination of farmer–green monkey (Chlorocebus sabaeus) relations in St. Kitts. Kittitian farmers’ narrative revealed three scales that collectively construct what is locally known as “the monkey problem:” increased rates of local contact between farmers and monkeys on farms, contestations over the future of St. Kitts’ land, and global debates over appropriate strategies to manage the monkey population. I show that although “the monkey problem” in St. Kitts does not involve an endangered or threatened species, my analysis of this construct has implications for primate populations that are threatened. This is because the root cause of this “problem”—the globalized discourse of nature conservation overpowering and problematizing local views about people–animal interactions—characterizes so many of the locales home to primates of conservation concern.