Biological affinities and adaptations of Bronze Age Bactrians: IV. A craniometric investigation of Bactrian origins

Discovery of a previously unknown Bronze Age civilization (Oxus civilization) centered on the oases of Central Asia revealed the presence of large, preplanned urban centers immediately above sterile soil. Given the absence of local antecedents, the sudden appearance and proliferation of these Oxus civilization urban centers in the oases of Bactria and Margiana immediately raised the issue of where the inhabitants of these urban centers came from. Three hypotheses have been offered by archaeologists to account for the origins of Oxus civilization populations. These include the early influence model, the late colonization model, and the trichotomy model. Eleven craniometric variables from 12 Aeneolithic and Bronze Age samples, encompassing 657 adults from Central Asia, Iran, and the Indus Valley, are compared to test which if any of these hypotheses are supported by the pattern of phenetic affinities possessed by the Oxus civilization inhabitants of the north Bactrian oasis. Craniometric differences between samples are compared with Mahalanobis generalized distance (d²), and patterns of phenetic affinity are assessed with two types of cluster analysis (WPGMA, neighbor-joining method), multidimensional scaling, and principal coordinates analysis. Results of this analysis provide no support for either the late colonization model or the trichotomy model but do offer some support for the early influence model. Nevertheless, it is clear that the early influence model fails to account for a shift in interregional contacts, perhaps from western China to the north around 2000 bc , that appears to have played a major role in the origins of the Oxus civilization inhabitants of the north Bactrian oasis. Am J Phys Anthropol 108:173–192, 1999. © 1999 Wiley-Liss, Inc.     

Horse‐mounted invaders from the Russo‐Kazakh steppe or agricultural colonists from western Central Asia? A craniometric investigation of the Bronze Age settlement of Xinjiang

Numerous Bronze Age cemeteries in the oases surrounding the T?klamakan Desert of the Tarim Basin in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, western China, have yielded both mummified and skeletal human remains. A dearth of local antecedents, coupled with woolen textiles and the apparent Western physical appearance of the population, raised questions as to where these people came from. Two hypotheses have been offered by archaeologists to account for the origins of Bronze Age populations of the Tarim Basin. These are the "steppe hypothesis" and the "Bactrian oasis hypothesis." Eight craniometric variables from 25 Aeneolithic and Bronze Age samples, comprising 1,353 adults from the Tarim Basin, the Russo-Kazakh steppe, southern China, Central Asia, Iran, and the Indus Valley, are compared to test which, if either, of these hypotheses are supported by the pattern of phenetic affinities possessed by Bronze Age inhabitants of the Tarim Basin. Craniometric differences between samples are compared with Mahalanobis generalized distance (d2), and patterns of phenetic affinity are assessed with two types of cluster analysis (the weighted pair average linkage method and the neighbor-joining method), multidimensional scaling, and principal coordinates analysis. Results obtained by this analysis provide little support for either the steppe hypothesis or the Bactrian oasis hypothesis. Rather, the pattern of phenetic affinities manifested by Bronze Age inhabitants of the Tarim Basin suggests the presence of a population of unknown origin within the Tarim Basin during the early Bronze Age. After 1200 B.C., this population experienced significant gene flow from highland populations of the Pamirs and Ferghana Valley. These highland populations may include those who later became known as the Saka and who may have served as "middlemen" facilitating contacts between East (Tarim Basin, China) and West (Bactria, Uzbekistan) along what later became known as the Great Silk Road.     

Foreign elites from the Oxus civilization? A craniometric study of anomalous burials from Bronze Age Tepe Hissar

Discovery of a small number of individuals in the Period III necropolis at the large northern Iranian Bronze Age site of Tepe Hissar directly associated with a complex of imported artifacts raises the question of whether these individuals represent elites who had access to these exotic commodities, or an imposed foreign elite that may have brought these unusual artifacts from their homelands. The source of the atypical objects is believed to be the Oxus civilization of central Asia. This study investigates the identity of these individuals by employing canonical discriminant function analysis of 20 craniometric variables among 174 adult males from Tepe Hissar Period III and Oxus civilization males from Sapalli tepe and Djarkutan. Dicriminant function analysis provides a strong separation between Tepe Hissar Period III males and Oxus civilization males and a high level of correct assignation by sample (95.8%). Imposition of the five males associated with imported central Asian artifacts from the Period III necropolis indicates that the majority (4/5) are phenetically indistinguishable from other Period III Tepe Hissar males. The results indicate that these individuals most likely represent local elite inhabitants of Tepe Hissar, rather than the presence of an imposed foreign elite. However, given the scarcity of crucial specimens, especially females, and comparative skeletal series, this conclusion must remain tentative.     

Genetic Continuity of Bronze Age Ancestry with Increased Steppe-Related Ancestry in Late Iron Age Uzbekistan

Although Uzbekistan and Central Asia are known for the well-studied Bronze Age civilization of the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC), the lesser-known Iron Age was also a dynamic period that resulted in increased interaction and admixture among different cultures from this region. To broaden our understanding of events that impacted the demography and population structure of this region, we generated 27 genome-wide single-nucleotide polymorphism capture data sets of Late Iron Age individuals around the Historical Kushan time period (∼2100–1500 BP) from three sites in South Uzbekistan. Overall, Bronze Age ancestry persists into the Iron Age in Uzbekistan, with no major replacements of populations with Steppe-related ancestry. However, these individuals suggest diverse ancestries related to Iranian farmers, Anatolian farmers, and Steppe herders, with a small amount of West European Hunter Gatherer, East Asian, and South Asian Hunter Gatherer ancestry as well. Genetic affinity toward the Late Bronze Age Steppe herders and a higher Steppe-related ancestry than that found in BMAC populations suggest an increased mobility and interaction of individuals from the Northern Steppe in a Southward direction. In addition, a decrease of Iranian and an increase of Anatolian farmer-like ancestry in Uzbekistan Iron Age individuals were observed compared with the BMAC populations from Uzbekistan. Thus, despite continuity from the Bronze Age, increased admixture played a major role in the shift from the Bronze to the Iron Age in southern Uzbekistan. This mixed ancestry is also observed in other parts of the Steppe and Central Asia, suggesting more widespread admixture among local populations.     

A New Chronology for the Bronze Age of Northeastern Thailand and Its Implications for Southeast Asian Prehistory

There are two models for the origins and timing of the Bronze Age in Southeast Asia. The first centres on the sites of Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha in Northeast Thailand. It places the first evidence for bronze technology in about 2000 B.C., and identifies the origin by means of direct contact with specialists of the Seima Turbino metallurgical tradition of Central Eurasia. The second is based on the site of Ban Non Wat, 280 km southwest of Ban Chiang, where extensive radiocarbon dating places the transition into the Bronze Age in the 11th century B.C. with likely origins in a southward expansion of technological expertise rooted in the early states of the Yellow and Yangtze valleys, China. We have redated Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha, as well as the sites of Ban Na Di and Ban Lum Khao, and here present 105 radiocarbon determinations that strongly support the latter model. The statistical analysis of the results using a Bayesian approach allows us to examine the data at a regional level, elucidate the timing of arrival of copper base technology in Southeast Asia and consider its social impact.     

Bioarchaeological analysis of cultural transition in the southern Levant using dental nonmetric traits

To many Near Eastern archaeologists, the Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age transition in the southern Levant indicates the emergence of a new ethnicity. The question remains, however, whether changes in the material culture are the result of an invasion of foreigners, or instead arose from shifting cultural and technical practices by indigenous peoples. This study utilized dental morphological traits to assess phenetic relationships between the Late Bronze Age site of Dothan (1500-1100 BC) and the Iron Age II site of Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir, 701 BC). Information on 30 dental crown and root traits was collected for 4,412 teeth, representing 392 individuals from Lachish and a minimum of 121 individuals from Dothan, using the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System. Seventeen traits from Dothan and Lachish were compared with dentitions from a Byzantine Jerusalem monastery, Iron Age Italy, a Natufian group (early agrarians from the Levant), and a Middle Kingdom Egyptian site using C.A.B. Smith's mean measure of divergence statistic. The findings suggest that there are more similarities between Dothan and Lachish than either of them and other sites. This analysis indicates that the material culture changes were not the result of a foreign invasion. Rather, the Iron Age people of the southern Levant were related to their Bronze Age predecessors.     

The dynamics of the composition of mtDNA haplotypes of the ancient population of the Altai Mountains from the early bronze age (3rd millennium BC) to the iron age (2nd–1st centuries BC)

The mtDNA polymorphism in representatives of various archaeological cultures of the Developed Bronze Age, Early Scythian, and Hunnish-Sarmatian periods was analyzed (N = 34). It detected the dominance of Western-Eurasian haplotypes (70.6%) in mtDNA samples from the representatives of the ancient population of the Early Bronze Age–Iron Age on the territory of Altai Mountains. Since the 8th to the 7th centuries BC, a sharp increase was revealed in the Eastern Eurasian haplogroups A, D, C, and Z (43.75%) as compared to previous cultures (16.7%). The presence of haplotype 223-242-290-319 of haplogroup A8 in Dolgans, Itelmens, Evens, Koryaks, and Yakuts indicates the possible long-term presence of its carriers in areas inhabited by these populations. The prevalence of western Eurasian haplotypes is observed not only in the Altai Mountains but also in Central Asia (Kazakhstan) and the south of the Krasnoyarsk Krai. All of the three studied samples from the Western Eurasian haplogroups were revealed to contain U, H, T, and HV. The ubiquitous presence of haplotypes of haplogroup H and some haplogroups of cluster U (U5a1, U4, U2e, and K) in the vast territory from the Yenisei River basin to the Atlantic Ocean may indicate the direction of human settlement, which most likely occurred in the Paleolithic Period from Central Asia.     

Craniofacial morphometric variation and the biological history of the peopling of Sardinia

The aim of this work is to explore the pattern of craniofacial morphometric variation and the relationships among five prehistoric Sardinian groups dated from Late Neolithic to the Nuragic Period (Middle and Late Bronze Age), in order to formulate hypotheses on the peopling history of Sardinia. Biological relationships with coeval populations of central peninsular Italy were also analysed to detect influences from and towards extra-Sardinian sources. Furthermore, comparison with samples of contemporary populations from Sardinia and from continental Italy provided an indication of the trend leading to the final part of the peopling history. Finally, Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic samples were included in the analyses to compare the prehistoric Sardinians with some of their potential continental ancestors. The analysis is based on multivariate techniques including Mahalanobis D² distance, non-parametric multidimensional scaling (MDS) and principal component analysis (PCA). The results showed the tendency to progressive differentiation between Sardinian groups and peninsular Italian groups, with the possible exception of a discontinuity showed by the Bonnànaro (Early Bronze Age) Sardinian sample. Several aspects of the morphological results were found to agree with the current genetic evidence available for the present-day Sardinian population and a Nuragic sample: (1) biological divergence between the Sardinian and peninsular Italian populations; (2) similarity/continuity among Neolithic, Bronze Age and recent Sardinians; (3) biological separation between the Nuragic and Etruscan populations; (4) contribution of a Palaeo-Mesolithic gene pool to the genetic structure of current Sardinians.     

The Palaeoenvironmental Impact of Prehistoric Settlement and Proto-Historic Urbanism: Tracing the Emergence of the Oppidum of Corent,Auvergne, France

Early human societies and their interactions with the natural world have been extensively explored in palaeoenvironmental studies across Central and Western Europe. Yet, despite an extensive body of scholarship, there is little consideration of the environmental impacts of proto-historic urbanisation. Typically palaeoenvironmental studies of Bronze and Iron Age societies discuss human impact in terms of woodland clearance, landscape openness and evidence for agriculture. Although these features are clearly key indicators of human settlement, and characterise Neolithic and early to Middle Bronze Age impacts at Corent, they do not appear to represent defining features of a protohistoric urban environment. The Late Iron Age Gallic Oppidum of Corent is remarkable for the paucity of evidence for agriculture and strong representation of apophytes associated with disturbance. Increased floristic diversity – a phenomenon also observed in more recent urban environments – was also noted. The same, although somewhat more pronounced, patterns are noted for the Late Bronze Age and hint at the possibility of a nascent urban area. High percentages of pollen from non-native trees such as Platanus, Castanea and Juglans in the late Bronze Age and Gallic period also suggest trade and cultural exchange, notably with the Mediterranean world. Indeed, these findings question the validity of applying Castanea and Juglans as absolute chronological markers of Romanisation. These results clearly indicate the value of local-scale palaeoecological studies and their potential for tracing the phases in the emergence of a proto-historic urban environment.     

Tracing the Origin of the East-West Population Admixture in the Altai Region (Central Asia)

A recent discovery of Iron Age burials (Pazyryk culture) in the Altai Mountains of Mongolia may shed light on the mode and tempo of the generation of the current genetic east-west population admixture in Central Asia. Studies on ancient mitochondrial DNA of this region suggest that the Altai Mountains played the role of a geographical barrier between West and East Eurasian lineages until the beginning of the Iron Age. After the 7th century BC, coinciding with Scythian expansion across the Eurasian steppes, a gradual influx of East Eurasian sequences in Western steppes is detected. However, the underlying events behind the genetic admixture in Altai during the Iron Age are still unresolved: 1) whether it was a result of migratory events (eastward firstly, westward secondly), or 2) whether it was a result of a local demographic expansion in a ‘contact zone’ between European and East Asian people. In the present work, we analyzed the mitochondrial DNA lineages in human remains from Bronze and Iron Age burials of Mongolian Altai. Here we present support to the hypothesis that the gene pool of Iron Age inhabitants of Mongolian Altai was similar to that of western Iron Age Altaians (Russia and Kazakhstan). Thus, this people not only shared the same culture (Pazyryk), but also shared the same genetic east-west population admixture. In turn, Pazyryks appear to have a similar gene pool that current Altaians. Our results further show that Iron Age Altaians displayed mitochondrial lineages already present around Altai region before the Iron Age. This would provide support for a demographic expansion of local people of Altai instead of westward or eastward migratory events, as the demographic event behind the high population genetic admixture and diversity in Central Asia.     

Mobility in Central European Late Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age: femoral cross-sectional geometry

Some scholars explain the absence of settlements in the Bohemian and Moravian Late Eneolithic (Corded Ware archaeological culture) as a consequence of pastoral subsistence with a high degree of mobility. However, recent archaeological studies argued that the archaeological record of the Late Eneolithic in Central Europe exhibits evidence for sedentary subsistence with mixed agriculture, similar to the subsequent Early Bronze Age. Because the archaeological data do not allow us to address unambiguously the mobility pattern in these periods, we used cross-sectional analysis of the femoral midshaft to test mobility directly on the human skeletal record. The results of femoral midshaft geometry do not support a high degree of mobility in the Late Eneolithic in Central Europe. This conclusion is supported mainly by no significant differences in male groups between the Late Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age in mechanical robusticity and shape of the femoral midshaft, although Corded Ware males still exhibit the highest absolute mean values of the diaphyseal shape (I(A-P)/I(M-L)) ratio and antero-posterior second moment of area. However, Late Eneolithic females have significantly higher torsional and overall bending rigidity because of a significantly higher medio-lateral second moment of area. This finding cannot be directly linked with a higher degree of long-distance mobility for these females. A significant difference was also found in overall decrease of size parameters of the femoral midshaft cross section for one of the Early Bronze Age samples, the Wieselburger females. Since the decrease of size and mechanical robusticity for Wieselburger females does not correspond with the parameters of Early Bronze Age females, we can expect a mosaic pattern of changes during the Late Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age period, instead of a simple unidirectional (diachronic) change of the mechanical environment.     

Agriculturalists and pastoralists: Bronze Age economy of the Murghab alluvial fan,southern Central Asia

Archaeological investigations of pastoral economies often emphasize exchange relations with agricultural populations, though for Bronze Age Eurasia the notion of a ubiquitous ‘pastoral realm’ has masked various forms of mixed subsistence economies. In Central Asia, there are few attempts to specifically identify the domestic crops utilized by mobile pastoralists or what they may suggest about the role of agriculture in mobile pastoral production or subsistence strategies. This study reports the macrobotanical remains from two Late/Final Bronze Age (ca. 1950–1300 bc) mobile pastoralist habitation sites in the Murghab alluvial fan region of southern Turkmenistan. We compare our results with published macrobotanical data from contemporary agricultural settlements in the Murghab region, as well as with other sites in broader prehistoric Eurasia. We find that mobile pastoralists in the Murghab utilized some of the same domestic crops as their sedentary neighbors. While the data presented here do not preclude the possibility that mobile pastoralists may have practiced some low-investment cultivation (particularly of millet), we hypothesize an economic model that places mobile pastoralists in direct contact with nearby sedentary farming communities through exchange for pre-processed grains. These results highlight one of the possible strategies of mobile pastoral subsistence in Central Asia, and are a further step toward identifying the various degrees of agricultural involvement in the conceptually outdated pastoral realm of Eurasia.     

Brief communication: new evidence of tuberculosis from prehistoric Korea-Population movement and early evidence of tuberculosis in far East Asia

Tuberculosis has been recognized in Japan and Korea for more than 500 years in historical medical documents. However, the origin and early existence of tuberculosis is poorly understood in these regions. Very recently, skeletal evidence for tuberculosis from the Bronze Age (or Aneolithic) period was reported from Japan and Korea. This article describes a possible case of spinal tuberculosis from an archeological site in Korea, which was dated to the first century BC. This date corresponds to the Aneolithic (Yayoi) period in Japan. Skeletal evidence for tuberculosis during the Bronze Age period found in both Korea and Japan are, therefore, discussed as evidence of the earliest tuberculosis outbreaks in East Asia and as biological indicators of population movement between Korea and Japan during this period.     

Rewriting the Central European Early Bronze Age Chronology: Evidence from Large-Scale Radiocarbon Dating

The transition from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age in Central Europe has often been considered as a supra-regional uniform process, which led to the growing mastery of the new bronze technology. Since the 1920s, archaeologists have divided the Early Bronze Age into two chronological phases (Bronze A1 and A2), which were also seen as stages of technical progress. On the basis of the early radiocarbon dates from the cemetery of Singen, southern Germany, the beginning of the Early Bronze Age in Central Europe was originally dated around 2300/2200 BC and the transition to more complex casting techniques (i.e., Bronze A2) around 2000 BC. On the basis of 140 newly radiocarbon dated human remains from Final Neolithic, Early and Middle Bronze Age cemeteries south of Augsburg (Bavaria) and a re-dating of ten graves from the cemetery of Singen, we propose a significantly different dating range, which forces us to re-think the traditional relative and absolute chronologies as well as the narrative of technical development. We are now able to date the beginning of the Early Bronze Age to around 2150 BC and its end to around 1700 BC. Moreover, there is no transition between Bronze (Bz) A1 and Bronze (Bz) A2, but a complete overlap between the type objects of the two phases from 1900–1700 BC. We thus present a revised chronology of the assumed diagnostic type objects of the Early Bronze Age and recommend a radiocarbon-based view on the development of the material culture. Finally, we propose that the traditional phases Bz A1 and Bz A2 do not represent a chronological sequence, but regionally different social phenomena connected to the willingness of local actors to appropriate the new bronze technology.     

Composition of the founding population of Iceland: biological distance and morphological variation in early historic Atlantic Europe

We examined the composition of the founding population of Iceland through the study of morphological traits in skeletons from Iceland, Ireland, Norway, and Greenland. This is the first study to address this issue from the Settlement Period of Iceland and contemporary samples from Ireland. We pose the following questions: 1) Was the founding population of Iceland of mixed or homogeneous origin? 2) Is there evidence for a significant Irish cohort in the founding population, as suggested in medieval Icelandic literature? Analysis of biodistance revealed that both Settlement Age and later samples from Iceland showed a greater degree of phenetic similarity to contemporary Viking Age Norwegians than to samples obtained from early medieval Ireland. Analysis of among‐individual morphological variation showed that the Settlement Age population of Iceland did not exhibit an increase in variation in comparison to other populations in the sample, suggesting a relatively homogenous origin. However, estimation of admixture between the Irish and Norwegian populations indicated that 66% of the Icelandic settlers were of Norwegian origin. Comparison of the Icelandic samples to hybrid samples produced by resampling the Viking Age Norwegian and early medieval Irish samples revealed that the Icelandic samples are much closer to the Norwegian samples than expected, based on a 66:34 mixture of Norwegian and Irish settlers. We conclude that the Settlement Age population of Iceland was predominantly (60–90%) of Norwegian origin. Although this population was relatively homogenous, our results do not preclude significant contributions from Ireland as well as other sources not represented in our analysis. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2003. © 2003 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Wood remains from Tel Nami,a middle bronze IIa and late bronze IIb port,local exploitation of trees and levantine cedar trade

Thirteen Middle Bronze Age IIa and four Late Bronze Age IIb (ca. 1950-1750 B.C. and thirteenth century, B.C., respectively)pieces of charcoal or water logged wood were found in the recent excavations of Tel Nami, a small port on the coast near Mount Carmel, Israel. These includedCedrus libani (cedar of Lebanon) (three samples), and local tree species that still grow today in the vicinity of the site—Pinus halepensis (Aleppo pine) (one sample),Olea europaea (olive tree) (five samples),Quercus calliprinos (kermes oak) (three samples),Quercus ithaburensis (Mt. Tabor oak) (four samples), andQuercus sp. (one sample). The discovery of Cedrus libani in a Middle Bronze Age IIa port is one of the earliest published examples of cedar wood from Israel. Together with other artifactual evidence for maritime trade from Tel Nami, this find suggests that a maritime trade in cedar wood existed along the Levantine coast.     

中亚河中地区青铜时代以来绿洲农业的演化与文明的交流

中亚河中地区是东西方文明交流的重要通道,当地干旱的气候对环境变化十分敏感,同时大量保存良好的考古遗迹使得该地区十分适合进行农业活动与文明交流的相关研究。本研究通过年代学与植物考古学方法,对阿姆河流域范围青铜时代晚期至萨珊波斯时期的考古遗址进行研究,尝试重建区内全新世人类农业活动的发展过程,并分析研究4000 BP以来人类的农业活动对环境变化的响应与适应。研究结果显示,河中地区农业的作物构成自4000 BP的青铜时代晚期就已表现出高度的复杂性。虽然在不同的时期不同类型作物的种植比例存在一定的差别,但当地的作物始终以大麦、小麦为主,辅以粟、黍、豆类等谷物及葡萄等果木,自青铜时代晚期形成后这种综合了东西方元素的绿洲农业便保持稳定;后期虽有水稻等作物加入但并没有对已有结构产生较大的影响。本研究为进一步了解中亚内陆干旱-半干旱地区绿洲农业的结构演化及其对环境变化的响应,以及探究不同起源地区作物在亚欧大陆的传播提供了基础资料和新的视角。     

Carbonized plant remains from a pre-Roman Iron Age house site at Opperdoes,West Friesland,The Netherlands

The eastern part of the region of West Friesland (The Netherlands) was densely inhabited in the Middle and Late Bronze Age (Hoogkarspel culture). In the whole of this area, Iron Age settlement has only been found around Opperdoes. Carbonized plant remains from features associated with a pre-Roman Iron Age house near Opperdoes are discussed and compared with Bronze Age data from the region. The evidence suggests that the Iron Age food economy was different from that in the Bronze Age. Barley and linseed were possibly imported, while gold-of-pleasure was cultivated at the site.     

Ancient DNA reveals traces of Iberian Neolithic and Bronze Age lineages in modern Iberian horses

Multiple geographical regions have been proposed for the domestication of Equus caballus . It has been suggested, based on zooarchaeological and genetic analyses that wild horses from the Iberian Peninsula were involved in the process, and the overrepresentation of mitochondrial D1 cluster in modern Iberian horses supports this suggestion. To test this hypothesis, we analysed mitochondrial DNA from 22 ancient Iberian horse remains belonging to the Neolithic, the Bronze Age and the Middle Ages, against previously published sequences. Only the medieval Iberian sequence appeared in the D1 group. Neolithic and Bronze Age sequences grouped in other clusters, one of which (Lusitano group C) is exclusively represented by modern horses of Iberian origin. Moreover, Bronze Age Iberian sequences displayed the lowest nucleotide diversity values when compared with modern horses, ancient wild horses and other ancient domesticates using nonparametric bootstrapping analyses. We conclude that the excessive clustering of Bronze Age horses in the Lusitano group C, the observed nucleotide diversity and the local continuity from wild Neolithic Iberian to modern Iberian horses, could be explained by the use of local wild mares during an early Iberian domestication or restocking event, whereas the D1 group probably was introduced into Iberia in later historical times.     

Brief communication: diachronic investigation of linear enamel hypoplasia in prehistoric skeletal samples from Trentino,Italy

Linear enamel hypoplasia was scored on Neolithic, Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age samples from the Trentino region, Italy, in order to compare the extent of growth disruption in different biocultural subsistence systems (foragers with little agriculture, to agriculturists and agropastoralists). The Early Bronze Age sample shows a higher frequency of enamel defects and an earlier chronological onset than the early Neolithic sample. The higher frequency of defects in the Bronze Age sample could be linked to less diversified nutrition and, because of increased sedentism, a higher risk of disease.