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1.
Development of the cultural landscape in a village situated by the inner fjords of western Norway is investigated by pollen analysis and quantitative reconstruction methods. Pollen samples from lake sediments and a soil profile were analysed and represent different spatial scales. The Landscape Reconstruction Algorithm (LRA) is applied to a large and a small lake to convert pollen percentages from the small lake into estimated local vegetation cover in selected time periods starting from 2800 cal bc (Middle Neolithic A). This reconstruction shows that estimated forest cover has fluctuated through time, and changes in openness related to human impact are distinct from the Early Bronze Age (1800–1200 cal bc). Pollen analyses from the soil profile indicate forest clearances from the Late Neolithic (2300–1800 cal bc). Gradual intensification of farming is recognized in both pollen diagrams throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages with increasing openness and spatial differentiation in land-use practices. Presence of pollen of cereals and flax record the cultivation of these plants from the Iron Age, and intensification of land-use may have caused erosion and re-sedimentation in the lake in medieval times. To identify a possible landscape in the past, HUMPOL software has been used with the Late Neolithic as a case study. The LRA-based estimates of forest cover are supported by the HUMPOL simulations, but several solutions to the Late Neolithic landscape pattern exist. The results clearly demonstrate how implementation of LRA and HUMPOL improve the understanding of cultural landscape development.  相似文献   

2.
Early human societies and their interactions with the natural world have been extensively explored in palaeoenvironmental studies across Central and Western Europe. Yet, despite an extensive body of scholarship, there is little consideration of the environmental impacts of proto-historic urbanisation. Typically palaeoenvironmental studies of Bronze and Iron Age societies discuss human impact in terms of woodland clearance, landscape openness and evidence for agriculture. Although these features are clearly key indicators of human settlement, and characterise Neolithic and early to Middle Bronze Age impacts at Corent, they do not appear to represent defining features of a protohistoric urban environment. The Late Iron Age Gallic Oppidum of Corent is remarkable for the paucity of evidence for agriculture and strong representation of apophytes associated with disturbance. Increased floristic diversity – a phenomenon also observed in more recent urban environments – was also noted. The same, although somewhat more pronounced, patterns are noted for the Late Bronze Age and hint at the possibility of a nascent urban area. High percentages of pollen from non-native trees such as Platanus, Castanea and Juglans in the late Bronze Age and Gallic period also suggest trade and cultural exchange, notably with the Mediterranean world. Indeed, these findings question the validity of applying Castanea and Juglans as absolute chronological markers of Romanisation. These results clearly indicate the value of local-scale palaeoecological studies and their potential for tracing the phases in the emergence of a proto-historic urban environment.  相似文献   

3.
The widely accepted models describing the emergence of domesticated grain crops from their wild type ancestors are mostly based upon selection (conscious or unconscious) of major features related either to seed dispersal (nonbrittle ear, indehiscent pod) or free germination (nondormant seeds, soft seed coat). Based on the breeding systems (self-pollination) and dominance relations between the allelomorphs of seed dispersal mode and seed dormancy, it was postulated that establishment of the domesticated forms and replacement of the wild ancestral populations occurred in the Near East within a relatively short time. Chickpea (Cicer arietinum L.), however, appears as an exception among all other "founder crops" of Old World agriculture because of its ancient conversion into a summer crop. The chickpea is also exceptional because its major domestication trait appears to be vernalization insensitivity rather than pod indehiscence or free germination. Moreover, the genetic basis of vernalization response in wild chickpea (Cicer reticulatum Ladiz.) is polygenic, suggesting that a long domestication process was imperative due to the elusive phenotype of vernalization nonresponsiveness. There is also a gap in chickpea remains in the archaeological record between the Late Prepottery Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age. Contrary to the common view that Levantine summer cropping was introduced relatively late (Early Bronze Age), we argue for an earlier (Neolithic) Levantine origin of summer cropping because chickpea, when grown as a common winter crop, was vulnerable to the devastating pathogen Didymella rabiei, the causal agent of Ascochyta blight. The ancient (Neolithic) conversion of chickpea into a summer crop required seasonal differentiation of agronomic operation from the early phases of the Neolithic revolution. This topic is difficult to deal with, as direct data on seasonality in prehistoric Old World field crop husbandry are practically nonexistent. Consequently, this issue was hardly dealt with in the literature. Information on the seasonality of ancient (Neolithic, Chalcolithic, and Early Bronze Age, calibrated 11,500 to 4,500 years before present) Near Eastern agriculture may improve our understanding of the proficiency of early farmers. This in turn may provide a better insight into Neolithic agrotechniques and scheduling. It is difficult to fully understand chickpea domestication without a Neolithic seasonal differentiation of agronomic practice because the rapid establishment of the successful Near Eastern crop package which included wheats, barley, pea, lentil, vetches, and flax, would have preempted the later domestication of this rare wild legume.  相似文献   

4.
Recent research from the site of Pella in Jordan examines the process and timing of olive cultivation. The frequent presence of olive remains from the Pottery Neolithic, beginning in the Yarmoukian, suggests that exploitation of the olive dates from as early as c. 6200 cal bce, with evidence of oil pressing from at least c. 5200 cal bce. Morphometric data, spanning the Late Neolithic to the Middle Iron Age II, using the measurement of olive endocarp length and width, demonstrates a reduction in the size variation of olive endocarps through time, in addition to an increase in their length, likely the result of selection pressure on trees. At Pella, this change occurs sometime after the Chalcolithic and before the Late Bronze Age, probably post-dating the earliest phases of the Early Bronze Age. Domestication is thus later than Teleilat Ghassul (Jordan), which has the earliest morphological evidence for olive domestication, and suggests that olive domestication was a regionally and temporally diverse process.  相似文献   

5.
In Ireland, the Middle to Late Bronze Age (1500–600 cal b.c.) is characterised by alternating phases of prolific metalwork production (the Bishopsland and Dowris Phases) and apparent recessions (the Roscommon Phase and the Late Bronze Age-Iron Age transition). In this paper, these changes in material culture are placed in a socio-economic context by examining contemporary settlement and land-use patterns reconstructed from the pollen record. The vegetation histories of six tephrochronologically linked sites are presented, which provide high-resolution and chronologically well-resolved insights into changes in landscape use over the Middle to Late Bronze Age. The records are compared with published pollen records in an attempt to discern if there are trends in woodland clearance and abandonment from which changes in settlement patterns can be inferred. The results suggest that prolific metalworking industries correlate chronologically with expansion of farming activity, which indicates that they were supported by a productive subsistence economy. Conversely, declines in metalwork production occur during periods when farming activity was generally less extensive and perhaps more centralised, and it is proposed that disparate socio-economic or political factors, rather than a collapse of the subsistence economy, lie behind the demise of metalworking industries.  相似文献   

6.
The importance of the process of Neolithization for the genetic make-up of European populations has been hotly debated, with shifting hypotheses from a demic diffusion (DD) to a cultural diffusion (CD) model. In this regard, ancient DNA data from the Balkan Peninsula, which is an important source of information to assess the process of Neolithization in Europe, is however missing. In the present study we show genetic information on ancient populations of the South-East of Europe. We assessed mtDNA from ten sites from the current territory of Romania, spanning a time-period from the Early Neolithic to the Late Bronze Age. mtDNA data from Early Neolithic farmers of the Starčevo Criş culture in Romania (Cârcea, Gura Baciului and Negrileşti sites), confirm their genetic relationship with those of the LBK culture (Linienbandkeramik Kultur) in Central Europe, and they show little genetic continuity with modern European populations. On the other hand, populations of the Middle-Late Neolithic (Boian, Zau and Gumelniţa cultures), supposedly a second wave of Neolithic migration from Anatolia, had a much stronger effect on the genetic heritage of the European populations. In contrast, we find a smaller contribution of Late Bronze Age migrations to the genetic composition of Europeans. Based on these findings, we propose that permeation of mtDNA lineages from a second wave of Middle-Late Neolithic migration from North-West Anatolia into the Balkan Peninsula and Central Europe represent an important contribution to the genetic shift between Early and Late Neolithic populations in Europe, and consequently to the genetic make-up of modern European populations.  相似文献   

7.
Abstract

A multi-proxy palaeoenvironmental study (pollen, non-pollen palynomorphs-NPP, macrocharcoal particles) of a small fen located in the Perafita valley (2240 m a.s.l, eastern Pyrenees, Andorra) was undertaken to trace prehistoric human activities related to woodland clearance and past land-uses at high altitudes. The results of this study constrained by 9 AMS radiocarbon measurements are combined with archaeological data and compared with similar research carried out at the same altitude in the adjacent Madriu valley (Andorra). The overall objectives of this article are, first, to formulate different chronological patterns and spatial land-use distribution at a micro-regional scale during prehistory and, second, to discuss different drivers of prehistoric occupation models in the eastern Pyrenean highlands. The palaeoecological study of the Planells de Perafita fen was performed at high temporal resolution, allowing us to focus on detailed prehistoric (mainly Mesolithic and Neolithic) and Bronze Age human activity. It demonstrates that the shaping of this cultural landscape is the result of a long-term land-use history, which began at the late Mesolithic/early Neolithic transition onwards (ca 6400–6100 cal BC). The existence of three main phases of “inter-valley” land-use variability has also been highlighted, thus testifying a complex and heterogeneous upland land-use model during the Neolithic and Bronze Age. These land-use variabilities between the two adjacent Andorran valleys provide the basis for a discussion of the way in which environmental constraints influenced prehistoric land-use spatial organisation and of how the interaction between environmental (including climatic parameters), socio-economic and cultural conditions affected the temporal and spatial dynamics of landscape shaping in the eastern Pyrenean highlands.  相似文献   

8.
Multiple geographical regions have been proposed for the domestication of Equus caballus . It has been suggested, based on zooarchaeological and genetic analyses that wild horses from the Iberian Peninsula were involved in the process, and the overrepresentation of mitochondrial D1 cluster in modern Iberian horses supports this suggestion. To test this hypothesis, we analysed mitochondrial DNA from 22 ancient Iberian horse remains belonging to the Neolithic, the Bronze Age and the Middle Ages, against previously published sequences. Only the medieval Iberian sequence appeared in the D1 group. Neolithic and Bronze Age sequences grouped in other clusters, one of which (Lusitano group C) is exclusively represented by modern horses of Iberian origin. Moreover, Bronze Age Iberian sequences displayed the lowest nucleotide diversity values when compared with modern horses, ancient wild horses and other ancient domesticates using nonparametric bootstrapping analyses. We conclude that the excessive clustering of Bronze Age horses in the Lusitano group C, the observed nucleotide diversity and the local continuity from wild Neolithic Iberian to modern Iberian horses, could be explained by the use of local wild mares during an early Iberian domestication or restocking event, whereas the D1 group probably was introduced into Iberia in later historical times.  相似文献   

9.
This evaluation of musculoskeletal stress markers (MSMs) in the Cis‐Baikal focuses on upper limb activity reconstruction among the region's middle Holocene foragers, particularly as it pertains to adaptation and cultural change. The five cemetery populations investigated represent two discrete groups separated by an 800–1,000 year hiatus: the Early Neolithic (8000–7000/6800 cal. BP) Kitoi culture and the Late Neolithic/Bronze Age (6000/5800–4000 cal. BP) Isakovo‐Serovo‐Glaskovo (ISG) cultural complex. Twenty‐four upper limb MSMs are investigated not only to gain a better understanding of activity throughout the middle Holocene, but also to independently assess the relative distinctiveness of Kitoi and ISG adaptive regimes. Results reveal higher heterogeneity in overall activity levels among Early Neolithic populations—with Kitoi males exhibiting more pronounced upper limb MSMs than both contemporary females and ISG males—but relative constancy during the Late Neolithic/Bronze Age, regardless of sex or possible status. On the other hand, activity patterns seem to have varied more during the latter period, with the supinator being ranked high among the ISG, but not the Kitoi, and forearm flexors and extensors being ranked generally low only among ISG females. Upper limb rank patterning does not distinguish Early Neolithic males, suggesting that their higher MSM scores reflect differences in the degree (intensity and/or duration), rather than the type, of activity employed. Finally, for both Kitoi and ISG peoples, activity patterns—especially the consistently high‐ranked costoclavicular ligament and deltoid and pectoralis major muscles—appear to be consistent with watercraft use. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2008 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

10.
嫩江流域是中国东北地区古代先民的重要栖息地之一。自新石器时代开始这里的先民一直以渔猎经济为主要生活方式,直到新石器时代晚期至早期青铜时代才开始兼营畜牧业和少量的种植业。嫩江流域青铜时代的生业模式的转变是否伴随着外来人群的融合与替代一直是考古研究的热点。为了探讨嫩江流域新石器时代与青铜铁器时代人群的构成是否改变,我们对嫩江流域新石器时代至青铜铁器时代的24个个体进行了线粒体全基因组分析。分析结果表明:嫩江流域青铜铁器时代人群与新石器时代人群具有一定遗传连续性的同时,晚期人群与西辽河地区古代人群有着更近的遗传联系,表明西辽河地区古代居民对嫩江流域青铜铁器时代人群具有部分遗传贡献。结合考古学文化、古气候学数据以及语言学证据,我们推测距今4000-3000年间,西辽河地区古代居民曾迁入到嫩江流域,并留下遗传印记。  相似文献   

11.
The transition from the Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age in Central Europe has often been considered as a supra-regional uniform process, which led to the growing mastery of the new bronze technology. Since the 1920s, archaeologists have divided the Early Bronze Age into two chronological phases (Bronze A1 and A2), which were also seen as stages of technical progress. On the basis of the early radiocarbon dates from the cemetery of Singen, southern Germany, the beginning of the Early Bronze Age in Central Europe was originally dated around 2300/2200 BC and the transition to more complex casting techniques (i.e., Bronze A2) around 2000 BC. On the basis of 140 newly radiocarbon dated human remains from Final Neolithic, Early and Middle Bronze Age cemeteries south of Augsburg (Bavaria) and a re-dating of ten graves from the cemetery of Singen, we propose a significantly different dating range, which forces us to re-think the traditional relative and absolute chronologies as well as the narrative of technical development. We are now able to date the beginning of the Early Bronze Age to around 2150 BC and its end to around 1700 BC. Moreover, there is no transition between Bronze (Bz) A1 and Bronze (Bz) A2, but a complete overlap between the type objects of the two phases from 1900–1700 BC. We thus present a revised chronology of the assumed diagnostic type objects of the Early Bronze Age and recommend a radiocarbon-based view on the development of the material culture. Finally, we propose that the traditional phases Bz A1 and Bz A2 do not represent a chronological sequence, but regionally different social phenomena connected to the willingness of local actors to appropriate the new bronze technology.  相似文献   

12.
The cultural landscape development of a farming community in western Norway was investigated through pollen analyses from a lake and a peat/soil profile. The pollen record from the lake indicates that there was a decrease in arboreal pollen (AP) by the end of the Mesolithic period (ca. 4200 cal b.c.), and that a substantial forest clearance occurred during the Bronze Age (ca. 1500 cal b.c.). The latter, together with grazing indicators and cereals, suggests a widespread establishment of farming. At the beginning of the Roman Iron Age there is an increase in heath communities. The pollen diagram from the peat/soil profile shows the forest clearance in the Bronze Age more clearly than the lake profile. This local pollen diagram is compared with modern pollen samples from mown and grazed localities in western Norway. Both analogue matching and ordination (PCA) indicate that the site was characterised by pastures and cereal fields from the Late Bronze Age to the Late Iron Age. An expansion of cereal cultivation took place during the Pre-Roman Iron Age, and an arable field was established at the site after ca. a.d. 800. This investigation illustrates the potential of selecting pollen sites reflecting different spatial scales, and complements the cultural history of the area as inferred from archaeological and historical records.  相似文献   

13.
The main aim of this study was to analyze the presence and distribution of cranial trauma, as possible evidence of violence, in remains from the Neolithic to Bronze Age from the SE Iberian Peninsula. The sample contains skulls, crania, and cranial vaults belonging to 410 prehistoric individuals. We also studied 267 crania from medieval and modern times for comparative purposes. All lesions in the prehistoric crania are healed and none of them can be attributed to a specific weapon. In all studied populations, injuries were more frequent in adults than in subadults and also in males than in females, denoting a sexual division in the risk of suffering accidents or intentional violence. According to the archeological record, the development of societies in the SE Iberian Peninsula during these periods must have entailed an increase in conflict. However, a high frequency of cranial traumatic injuries was observed in the Neolithic series, theoretically a less conflictive time, and the lowest frequency was in crania from the 3rd millennium B.C. (Copper Age), which is characterized by the archeologists as a period of increasing violence. The relatively large size and the high rate of injuries in Neolithic crania and the practice of cannibalism are strongly suggestive of episodes of interpersonal or intergroup conflict. The number and distribution of injuries in Bronze Age is consistent with the increase in violence at that time described by most archeologists. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2009. © 2009 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   

14.
Palynological data collected over a period of 60 years have been compiled and re-interpreted in order to reveal the patterns of deforestation and health establishment in the south-western Norwegian coastal heathland. This heathland area has been divided into four sub-regions based on topography, bedrock and drift cover. The palynological investigations are from sites with pollen source areas of different sizes. The palynological signals are interpreted in terms of models that suggest an abrupt, gradual or stepwise deforestation which can be explained by terms of different pollen source areas. The deforestation seems to have been metachronous, leading to a regional mosaic pattern of different vegetation types. The deforestation process spanned more than 3600 calendar years (4000-400 B.C.), with three pronounced clearance periods at 4000-3600 B.C. (Mesolithic/Early Neolithic transition), 2500-2200 B.C. (Middle Neolithic II/Early Late Neolithic transition), and 1900-1400 B.C. (Late Neolithic to Bronze Age period II). The expansion of heathland has also been metachronous and took place over a period of ca. 4000 years between 4000-200 B.C., but was mainly completed by the end of the Bronze Age. Regional differences in the chronology of deforestation and heathland establishment are discussed. Deforestation with subsequent heathland expansion can best be explained in terms of the interaction between land-use history, topography and edaphic conditions under climatic conditions that favoured heathland development.  相似文献   

15.
A detailed,14C-dated, pollen profile from Steerenmoos, a raised bog in the uplands of the southern Black Forest (Schwarzwald) is presented. The Late-glacial and early Holocene vegetation history conforms to the known pattern of forest dynamics for that region. At ca. 6100 cal. B.P.,Abies replaced the mixed oak forest, which is in contrast to adjacent regions whereFagus spread beforeAbies. From the Subboreal onwards,Fagus expanded and slowly largely replacedAbies. The mire developed from a fen to a raised bog. The mountain pine (Pinus mugo ssp.rotundata) on the present-day bog surface is a result of medieval burning. Cereal pollen are first recorded in the Neolithic (7600 cal. B.P.) and there is a closed curve forPlantago Lanceolata — a good indicator of human impact — since the Bronze Age (4000 cal. B.P.). On the basis of the cereal pollen record nine human impact phases (HIP) are described. HIP 1 and 2, which are short, date to ca. 7600 and 6700 cal. B.P., respectively, in a mixed oak forest context and are characterized by declines inCorylus, Tilia, Ulmus and bySalix (but no major deforestation) and peaks in charcoal and loss-on-ignition curves. HIP 3 and 4, which are short and weak, date to ca. 6000 and 5300 cal. B.P., respectively, and occur in the context of anAbies alba forest. The Bronze Age and Iron Age HIPs 5-7 are more intense and of longer duration than the Neolithic phases and result in a decline inAbies and an increase inFagus. The early medieval HIP 8, although rather weak, probably finds expression also in an archaeological artefact, namely a dug-out boat from the near-by Schluchsee. Finally, the late Medieval HIP 9 resulted in a major transformation in the landscape. It is argued that the earlier HIPs are not a reflection of distant events in the lowland valleys of the Rhine, Danube or Neckar but reflect more or less local developments.  相似文献   

16.
Linear enamel hypoplasia was scored on Neolithic, Copper Age, and Early Bronze Age samples from the Trentino region, Italy, in order to compare the extent of growth disruption in different biocultural subsistence systems (foragers with little agriculture, to agriculturists and agropastoralists). The Early Bronze Age sample shows a higher frequency of enamel defects and an earlier chronological onset than the early Neolithic sample. The higher frequency of defects in the Bronze Age sample could be linked to less diversified nutrition and, because of increased sedentism, a higher risk of disease.  相似文献   

17.
Charcoal analysis reveals various palaeo-ecological phases from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. Agriculture starts about 7000 B.P. in favourable ecological conditions. Most of the charcoal spectra from sites on the coast represent thermomediterranean holm-oak forest; those from the inland mountains represent mesome-diterranean holm-oak forest. The Neolithic I Impressed Ware people were the first to clear the forest to plant their crops. This clearance of primary woodland resulted in the development of secondary vegetation of pine woods or scrub. The scrub reached its maximum during the Bell Beaker phase and Bronze Age in the Cova de les Cendres. In the Neolithic II open air sites, the percentages of Quercus ilex/coccifera remain high. This may be the result of a different exploitation of the land, or suitable conditions for the growth and survival of the vegetation.  相似文献   

18.
The Federsee mire in the Alpine Foreland of south-western Germany contains a record of a remarkable archaeological landscape. Since the first excavations in the 1920's, botanists and mire geologists have studied the relationship between landscape development and settlement at this site. In a new study, funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, various disciplines embracing both archaeology and the natural sciences have come together to address outstanding questions and problems. Pollen analysis can only be carried out within the Federsee mire since no other suitable mires are found in the vicinity. Because of the size of the Federsee basin (30 km2 at the end of the last glaciation), the regional pollen component, consisting predominantly of arboreal pollen, prevails over the herbaceous component which mainly reflects activity associated with settlements. Nevertheless, phases of settlement are clearly reflected in the radiocarbon-dated pollen diagrams and can be correlated with Neolithic and Bronze Age settlements that are dated either by dendrochronology or radiocarbon. In addition, some settlement phases were identified for which no archaeological evidence is yet available. As a consequence of human impact during the Atlantic and Subboreal periods, a gradual opening-up and change in structure of the forests is recorded. There is evidence for an exceptionally high level of human impact associated with two Bronze Age settlements that were present in the central part of the Federsee mire. Each of the five transgressions of the Federsee so far identified occurred at the end of a settlement phase. These may have resulted from anthropogenic activity rather than climatic change. A contribution to the 8th IPC, Aix-en-Provence, Sept. 1992  相似文献   

19.
This article interprets 'natural' features of the landscape unaltered by human agency – hills, rock outcrops, and solution basins – in West Penwith, Cornwall, and discusses their significance in relation to Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Age monuments, cairns, and enclosures. We argue that 'nature' provides a fundamental conceptual resource for understanding cultural form, and that 'natural' architecture had a super-natural significance for prehistoric populations. Its meanings were intricately linked to elemental processes involving metaphorical relationships between water and fire, stone, sea, and the passage of the sun in the heavens.  相似文献   

20.
In this article, we discuss the Neolithic and Early Copper Age (ECA) part of two pollen records from the Middle Tisza Floodplain in association with the local archaeological settlement record. We address the hypothesis of Willis and Bennett (2004) that there was little human impact by farmers on the environment of SE Europe until the Bronze Age. Contrary to this hypothesis, our results show that small-scale agriculture and woodland clearance is already attestable in the earliest Neolithic in Eastern Hungary, there are signs of expanding scale of mixed farming in the Middle Neolithic and strong evidence for extensive landscape alterations with enhanced pasturing and mixed farming in the Late Neolithic (LN) and ECA. The main vegetation exploitation techniques in the alluvial plain of Sarló-hát were selective tree felling (mainly Quercus), coppicing (mainly Corylus and Ulmus) and woodland clearance to establish grazing pastures and small-scale crop farming. Comparison with other well-dated pollen diagrams from Eastern Hungary suggested that, in the Early and Middle Neolithic (8000–7000?cal.?b.p.), Corylus and Ulmus coppicing were probably frequent, while pastoral activities and associated woodland clearance is distinguished in the LN (7000–6500?cal.?b.p.). Our data also suggested a shift to moister summer conditions in the alluvium during the ECA, which may have contributed to a trend towards settlement dispersion and increased reliance on animal husbandry in the NE Hungarian Plain.  相似文献   

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